Posts Tagged ‘Adolf Hitler’

Facing possible ban German far-right changes tack

Tuesday, September 4th, 2012

At a rally of Germany’s biggest far-right party, skinheads raise fists to nationalist chants and wear T-shirts that skirt the limits of German law: “Enforce National Socialism” reads one; another proclaims the wearer to be “100 percent un-kosher.” Some cover illegal neo-Nazi tattoos with masking tape because police are on the prowl.

But the party’s leader insists he is taking his National Democratic Party mainstream.

“My aim is to make the NPD a party firmly based in the present and looking toward the future,” Holger Apfel said in an interview at the rally. Breaking a far-right taboo, he told The Associated Press that Nazi Germany’s record during World War II included “crimes.”

Apfel has tactical reasons for toning down his message: Authorities are currently considering a ban on the party. Yet the attempt to appeal to the center has prompted anger in the country’s small but entrenched ultra-right movement, where many refuse to acknowledge that Germany under Nazism — or National Socialism — was responsible for the slaughter of 6 million Jews. Some NPD members have left; others threaten to do so.

Despite talk of change, it doesn’t take long for Apfel to show his own flashes of hardcore xenophobia, which extend to seeing a threat to the “biological basis” of the German people.

“We … have to ensure that Germany again becomes the country of the Germans,” he said. “We see the growing danger that the biological basis of our people will wither away because there’s an increasing mixing.”

He frowned when asked his feelings about the success of Marcel Nguyen, a half-Vietnamese gymnast who won two silver medals for Germany at the 2012 Olympics.

“I can freely say it’s not something that causes me euphoria,” Apfel said, before hastily adding: “But you won’t see us calling for the deportation of half-breed children.”

Signs ordered reporters at the NPD’s summer festival in Viereck not to take pictures of stalls selling extremist books, CDs and pamphlets. A large poster at the entrance to the booths compared the rising number of foreigners in Germany to the shrinking number of ethnic Germans.

The government’s decision to weigh an NPD ban follows the revelation last November that a small neo-Nazi cell carried out a seven-year killing spree which left nine immigrants and a policewoman dead.

Authorities haven’t been able to prove that the cell operated with direct support from the NPD. But key party officials have been linked to the group’s three core members, who managed to evade police for over a decade despite being on the run for other crimes.

Angela Merkel considers the NPD “anti-democratic, xenophobic, anti-Semitic and therefore also a threat to the constitution,” the German chancellor’s spokesman, Steffen Seibert, told reporters. But a previous attempt to outlaw the party was rebuffed by the country’s top court in 2003 and officials are treading carefully before deciding later this year whether to launch a new bid to have the party banned.

Apfel’s appeal to mainstream voters runs parallel to the emergence of several new German ultranationalist fringe groups on both sides of the NPD.

One calls itself “The Immortals.” It has staged apparently spontaneous nighttime marches in small towns, protesting what it regards as an excessive influx of foreigners threatening the racial purity of the German nation. Chilling videos showing dozens of people wearing white masks and carrying burning torches have been uploaded to YouTube.

Despite their sophisticated online presence, The Immortals play a minor role compared to the so-called Autonomous Nationalists, according to Toralf Staud, a German journalist who has written extensively about the far right. In August, more than 900 police officers raided homes and clubhouses belonging to Autonomous Nationalist groups in western Germany. They seized computer hard drives, weapons and far-right propaganda material — including 1,000 election posters for the NPD.

A top official in Germany’s most populous state said this proves that the NPD is allied with the new far-right groups.

“This shows the close links between this right-extremist party and the neo-Nazi scene in North Rhine-Westphalia,” said Ralf Jaeger, the state’s interior minister.

Meanwhile, the “Pro Germany” movement represents a newer strand of ultranationalism capitalizing on German fears of Islamic extremism. Some of its chapters have gained seats in local assemblies in recent years by advocating a ban on the construction of mosques. But unlike most far-right groups, Pro Germany publicly disavows anti-Semitism.

There are no reliable estimates for the number of members these new fringe groups have. Authorities estimate that they number in the several thousands, with many more who sympathize with the cause but aren’t actively involved.

Kerstin Koeditz, a left-wing lawmaker, said the proliferation of extremist groups has been helped by what she described as “a new wave of xenophobia from the heart of society.” Persistent high joblessness in the east, growing anti-Muslim sentiment since 9/11, and fears that a collapse of the euro could destroy the German economy have given far-right groups plenty of political talking points, she said.

Koeditz, who sits in the state parliament of Saxony for the Left Party, says far-right groups have also become more adept at evading laws in recent years. German law forbids the display of Nazi symbols and any public glorification of Adolf Hitler, so many groups host their websites abroad and use anonymous online message boards to communicate.

Another reason for Germany’s inability to keep up with emerging far-right groups is an unwieldy apparatus in which dozens of different law enforcement and intelligence agencies failed to talk to each other.

Germany’s security services admit that although the number of registered members of nationalist parties is declining — the NPD had 6,300 members last year compared to 6,600 in 2010 — the number of violent far-right extremists is rising. Authorities say there are 9,800 violent extremists, up 300 from 9,500 in 2010. These are people who have been involved in violence or who are linked to groups that explicitly advocate violence.

The domestic intelligence agency’s annual report on extremism counted almost 17,000 far-right crimes in 2011, up slightly from the previous year. Of those, 755 were classed as violent crimes, such as attempted murder, arson or resisting arrest. The agency noted in its report that “one has to reckon with the existence and creation of right-wing terror groups as well as activities by individual right-wing terrorists.”

“The vast majority of the neo-Nazi scene cooperates with the NPD or supports it regularly,” the report found. It added that members of fringe groups who aid the party do so in the hope that “they will see a personal benefit from the election successes of the NPD.”

The NPD receives over €1 million in government funding annually thanks to seats it holds in two state parliaments and experts say a ban on the party — with the loss of its offices — could disrupt the nationalist movement.

“But in the medium term the cadres of the NPD would continue in other organizations,” said Staud.

At the party’s summer rally, the evening ends with a sing-along that includes the line “I like Adolf.”

Apfel, meanwhile, says he is not worried about a possible ban.

Pressed to elaborate on his comments about acknowledging Germany’s past crimes — and to say whether that includes the Holocaust — Apfel pauses.

“You know very well that it’s illegal to openly discuss certain issues in Germany,” he said.

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Hitler-Brand Wines and Europe’s Debate Over the Limits of Free Speech

Tuesday, August 28th, 2012

wines aug27 p.jpg

The Fuhrer is causing a furor. Italian winemaker Vini Lunardelli‘s breathtakingly tasteless line of Nazi-themed wines has offended again, with two American tourists understandably peeved about discovering some bottles adorned with Adolf Hitler’s image in a shop in Veneto province. The Italian-produced wines bear dozens of different labels displaying, with no hint of irony, such names as “Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer!” (a Nazi slogan meaning “One people, one empire, one ruler”), “Der Prosecco Vom Führer,” and, simply, “FÜHRERWEIN.” Another line bears the images and slogans of Benito Mussolini and his fascist regime.

The American tourists, incensed (one of them noted that her father lived through Auschwitz), protested to Italian authorities and to the local, and then international, media. “We would think of it as neo-Nazism,” one told the U.K. Telegraph. “It makes you wonder about the sympathies of the local people.” You don’t have to be Jewish or the child of a Holocaust survivor to find the wine labels appalling and odious, but it doesn’t hurt. Local prosecutors say they’ve opened a formal inquiry, and a cabinet-level Italian minister issued a statement to “reassure our American friends” and to condemn the wines for “compromising the image of Italy abroad.”
Italian officials might be expressing shock, but the Vini Lunardelli wines have been offending for almost two decades, and this is not their first international incident. There’s no doubt that Führerwine is offensive, and it’s difficult to know the vintner’s motivations for sure. But it might reflect less “neo-Nazi sympathies” and more a crass willingness to exploit shock value and Europe’s particular sensitivities to the fascist legacy — not to mention the international media attention that comes with infuriating foreign governments — to make a few bucks. And it seems to be effective.

Lunardelli launched their “Historical Series” in 1993, printing labels bearing “personages of Italian and world political history.” The first Führer vintage was introduced in 1995, becoming “a great marketing success,” the winemaker later told Decanter. In 1997, the German government began lodging official complaints. Germany takes the Nazi legacy very, very seriously: neo-Nazi parties are illegal, Hitler’s autobiography Mein Kampf has been officially banned for decades, and the German Parliament almost blocked approval for a relatively straightforward genetic testing law, apparently over the echoes of Nazi eugenics programs. By 2003, Germany’s battle against Lunardelli had so escalated that the German justice minister wrote a formal letter to her Italian counterpart asking for Italy consider shutting down the “contemptible and tasteless” wines. The German state of Bavaria, the closest to Italy, opened an investigation as to whether any bottles had crossed the border.
Nothing came of it at first. Then, in early 2007, some German tourists ended up buying some number of the wines while in Italy. It’s not clear how their purchases became public, but it re-sparked the old controversy. In September, Italian police finally moved against the wines,confiscating bottles for their “glorification of the perpetrators of crimes against humanity.” The public prosecutor, according to Lunardelli, accused the winemakers of being Nazi apologists. Like in Germany, Italian law forbids the glorification of the 1930s fascist regime that helped spark World War Two, which cost tens of millions of lives. But, one month after police had seized the wines, an Italian judge ruled that they were OK to sell; the second time that Lunardelli had been exonerated of promoting fascism.
It’s a sign of Germany’s sensitivity to anything remotely hinting of Nazi sympathies that the government would not only formally investigate whether a bottle of Führerwein might have entered the country, but publicly request that the Italian government intervene to stop production. It’s also an interesting contrast to Italy’s own laws, which while similar in intent to Germany’s, appear to be laxer in restricting speech, at least when it comes to these wine labels.

I don’t have an answer as to whether or not the wines promote Naziism and fascism, but it’s worth noting that this doesn’t seem to have been Lunardelli’s intent. “We would not have produced them unless there was a demand,” the winemaker told Decanter in 2007. “In fact the Hitler labels were not our idea, they were specifically requested by customers in Germany and Austria. … When they saw the labels with Il Duce and Che Guevara, they suggested a series with Hitler.” The company’s website proudly boasts the line, not as a victory in Aryan soft power, but as a marketing triumph. “Thanks to this invention, the wine company Alessandro Lunardelli has obtained a lot of attention from the media all over the world both for the originality of the idea and for the quality of the wines.” They say that line, which has 50 different labels, now makes up half of their sales.

In any case, some of the labels carry images of Stalin, Marx, and Che Guevara, not savory figures by any means but sworn enemies of Hitler and fascism, suggesting that the line is indeed less about glorifying any singular ideology than about shock value and the free marketing that comes with, for example, stories like this one.
The wines are interesting test case for Europe’s decades-old speech restrictions against glorifying the nightmarish regimes of the 1930s and 1940s, meant both to guard against the rise of all-too-real neo-Nazi or neo-fascist parties and to maintain the carefully instituted national histories that hold these ideologies as a horrid mistake. It seems unlikely, as the Italian courts may have concluded in allowing continued Lunardelli production, that slapping Hitler’s face on a cabernet label is going to increase popular support for a return of the Third Reich.
Still, Neo-Nazism and the ethnic nationalism behind it remain real, if marginal, forces in Europe. Treating Hitler and his Nazi slogans as kitsch, as fodder for a bit of silly shock value, would seem to risk divesting these images of the horror and shame that two generations of Germans and Italians have ingrained to remind themselves of one of history’s greatest crimes. Buying a bottle of Der Prosecco Vom Führer might just be a bit of harmless fun, but maybe, from the German perspective, that’s exactly the problem.
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Hank Williams Jr: Obama is a ‘Muslim president who hates the US’

Wednesday, August 22nd, 2012

Hank Williams Jr has become the second musician in as many weeks to accuse Barack Obama of plotting to destroy the United States. Just days after Megadeth frontman Dave Mustaine claimed Obama had “staged” this month’s shooting at a Sikh temple in Wisconsin, Williams offered his own polemic against the US president, falsely accusing him of being a Muslim.

 

The son of Hank Williams made his remarks during a recent performance at the Iowa State Fair. As the crowd chanted “USA! USA!”, Williams Jr grabbed the microphone, Metromix Des Moines reported, declaring: “We’ve got a Muslim president who hates farming, hates the military, hates the US and we hate him!” The comments were reportedly met with “loud and enthusiastic” cheers.

 

Williams, 63, lost his job at ESPN after comparing Obama to Adolf Hitler last October. He later apologised, calling it an “extreme … analogy”. “I have always respected the office of the president,” he said. When contacted this weekend, a spokesperson from Obama’s Iowa campaign office told Metromix: “That type of absurd nonsense doesn’t really deserve a response.”

 

Meanwhile, Megadeth frontman Dave Mustaine, claims Obama is hiring assassins to help pass gun-control legislation. “My president is trying to pass a gun ban, so he’s staging all of these murders,” Mustaine said at a concert in Singapore. “Like the Fast and Furious thing down at the border, and Aurora, Colorado, all the people that were killed there and now the beautiful people at the Sikh temple … I don’t know where I’m gonna live if America keeps going the way it’s going because it looks like it’s turning into Nazi America.”

 

Earlier this year, Mustaine made it clear he is a birther, subscribing to the belief that Obama was not born in Hawaii, but in Kenya. “How come [Obama] was invisible until he became, uh, whatever he was in Illinois?” he said at the time. “They don’t have any record of him.”

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Hitler’s Speech at Stuttgart SPEECH OF FEBRUARY 15, 1933

Monday, August 13th, 2012

IN FOURTEEN years the system which has now been overthrown has piled mistake upon mistake, illusion upon illusion. And that is also true for our foreign policy. Only since the time when through our Movement the world has been shown that a new Germany of resolution and resistance is arising – only since then are we once more regarded with other eyes. If today in Geneva a people fights side by side with us for the freedom of Europe, it is we who have first formed this friendship and not the representatives of the former system.

And now Staatspräsident Bolz says that Christianity and the Catholic faith are threatened by us. And to that charge I can answer: In the first place it is Christians and not international atheists who now stand at the head of Germany. I do not merely talk of Christianity, no, I also profess that I will never ally myself with the parties which destroy Christianity. If many wish today to take threatened Christianity under their protection, where, I would ask, was Christianity for them in these fourteen years when they went arm in arm with atheism? No, never and at no time was greater internal damage done to Christianity than in these fourteen years when a party, theoretically Christian, sat with those who denied God in one and the same Government.

I would ask whether the economic policy of this now superseded system was a Christian policy. Was the inflation an undertaking for which Christians could answer, or has the destruction of German life, of the German peasant as well as of the middles classes, been Christian? . . . When these parties now say: we want to govern for a few more years in order that we can improve the situation, then we say:

No! now it is too late for that! Besides, you had your fourteen years and you have failed. In fourteen years you have proved your incapacity – from the Treaty of Versailles by way of the various agreements down to the Dawes and Young plans. Herr Bolz, too, has given his support to the Young Plan while I have always opposed it.

If today we are told that we have no program, then I answer that for the last two years this other Germany has lived only by making inroads on our thought-world. All these plans for the creation of work, for labor service, etc.- they are not the work of Staatspräsident Bolz, they come from our program of reconstruction from which they have taken them over imperfectly and incompletely.

We are convinced that the restoration to health of our people must start from the restoration to health of the body politic itself, and we are persuaded of the truth that the future of our people, as in the past so now, lies first of all in the German peasant. If he perishes, our end has come; if he survives, then Germany will never go under. There lie the strength and the source of our people’s life, the source of our renewal. The towns would not exist at all, if the peasant did not fill them with his blood. The dweller in our countryside may be primitive, but he is healthy.

. . . We want, too, to restore to the German intelligentsia the freedom of which it has been robbed by the system which has hitherto ruled. In parliamentarianism they did not possess this freedom. We want to liberate Germany from the fetters of an impossible parliamentary democracy – not because we are terrorists, not because we intend to gag the free spirit. On the contrary, the spirit has never had more violence done to it than when mere numbers made themselves its master.

No, our wish is that responsible folk should once more be brought together so that every class and every individual should be given that authority over those below and that responsibility towards those above which are essential if one is to build up the life of a community. We do not want so to educate the nation that it lives for ideas and artificial constructions; we want to test all ideas and constructions to discover how far they are capable of serving the nation’s life.

I will not build myself a villa in Switzerland, nor will I lay claim to any fund with which to fight criminality in this election campaign. Then after four years people shall judge whether the policy of ruining Germany has come to an end, whether Germany is rising once again.

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Hitler’s speech in Dusseldorf, Industry Club SPEECH OF JANUARY 27, 1932

Monday, August 13th, 2012

IF TODAY the National Socialist Movement is regarded amongst widespread circles in Germany as being hostile to our business life, I believe the reason for this view is to be found in the fact that we adopted towards the events which determined the development leading to our present position an attitude which differed from that of all the other organizations which are of any importance in our public life. Even now our outlook differs in many points from that of our opponents….

I regard it as of the first importance to break once and for all with the view that our destiny is conditioned by world events. It is not true that our distress has its final cause in a world crisis, in a world catastrophe: the true view is that we have reached a state of general crisis, because from the first certain mistakes were made. I must not say ‘According to the general view the Peace Treaty of Versailles is the cause of our misfortune.’ What is the Peace Treaty of Versailles but the work of men? It is not a burden which has been imposed or laid upon us by Providence. It is the work of men for which, it goes without saying, once again men with their merits or their failings must be held responsible. If this were not so, how should men ever be able to set aside this work at all? I am of the opinion that there is nothing which has been produced by the will of man which cannot in its turn be altered by another human will.

Both the Peace Treaty of Versailles together with all the consequences of that Treaty have been the result of a policy which perhaps fifteen, fourteen, or thirteen years ago was regarded as the right policy, at least in the enemy States, but which from our point of view was bound to be regarded as fatal when ten or less years ago its true character was disclosed to millions of Germans and now today stands revealed in its utter impossibility. I am bound therefore to assert that there must of necessity have been in Germany, too, some responsibility for these happenings if I am to have any belief that the German people can exercise some influence towards changing these conditions.

IT IS ALSO IN MY VIEW FALSE TO SAY THAT LIFE IN GERMANY TODAY IS SOLELY DETERMINED BY CONSIDERATIONS OF FOREIGN POLICY, that the primacy of foreign policy governs today the whole of our domestic life. Certainly a people can reach the point when foreign relations influence and determine completely its domestic life. But let no one say that such a condition is from the first either natural or desirable. Rather the important thing is that a people should create the conditions for a change in this state of affairs.

If anyone says to me that its foreign politics is primarily decisive for the life of a people, then I must first ask: what then is the meaning of the term ‘Politics’? There is a whole series of definitions. Frederick the Great said: ‘Politics is the art of serving one’s State with every means.’ Bismarck’s explanation was that ‘Politics is the art of the Possible,’ starting from the conception that advantage should be taken of every possibility to serve the State – and, in the later transformation of the idea of the State into the idea of nationalities, the Nation. Another considers that this service rendered to the people can be effected by military as well as peaceful action: for Clausewitz says that war is the continuation of politics though with different means. Conversely, Clemenceau considers that today peace is nothing but the continuation of war and the pursuing of the war-aim, though again with other means. To put it briefly: politics is nothing else and can be nothing else than the safeguarding of a people’s vital interests and the practical waging of its life-battle with every means. Thus it is quite clear that this life-battle from the first has its starting-point in the people itself and that at the same time the people is the object – the real thing of value – which has to be preserved. All functions of this body formed by the people must in the last resort fulfill only one purpose – to secure in the future the maintenance of this body which is the people. I can therefore say neither that foreign policy nor economic policy is of primary significance. Of course, a people needs the business world in order to live. But business is but one of the functions of this body-politic whereby its existence is assured. But primarily the essential thing is the starting-point and that is the people itself….

It is therefore false to say that foreign politics shapes a people: rather, peoples order their relations to the world about them in correspondence with their inborn forces and according to the measure in which their education enables them to bring those forces into play. We may be quite convinced that if in the place of the Germany of today there had stood a different Germany, the attitude towards the rest of the world would also have been different, and then presumably the influences exercised by the rest of the world would have taken a different form. To deny this would mean that Germany’s destiny can no longer be changed no matter what Government rules in Germany….

And as against this conception I am the champion of another standpoint: three factors, I hold, essentially determine a people’s political life:

First, the inner value of a people which as an inherited sum and possession is transmitted again and again through the generations, a value which suffers any change when the people, the custodian of this inherited possession, changes itself in its inner blood-conditioned composition. It is beyond question that certain traits of character, certain virtues, and certain vices always recur in peoples so long as their inner nature – their blood-conditioned composition – has not essentially altered. I can already trace the virtues and the vices of our German people in the writers of Rome just as clearly as I see them today. This inner value which determines the life of a people can be destroyed by nothing save only through a change in the blood causing a change in substance. Temporarily an illogical form of organization of life or unintelligent education may prejudice it. But in that case, though its effective action may be hindered, the fundamental value in itself is still present as it was before. And it is this value which is the great source of all hopes for a people’s revival, it is this which justifies the belief that a people which in the course of thousands of years has furnished countless examples of the highest inner value cannot suddenly have lost overnight this inborn inherited value, but that one day this people will once again bring this value into action. If this were not the case, then the faith of millions of men in a better future – the mystic hope for a new Germany – would be incomprehensible. It would be incomprehensible how it was that this German people, at the end of the Thirty Years War, when its population had shrunk from eighteen to thirteen and one-half millions, could ever have once more formed the hope through work, through industry, and capacity to rise again, how in this completely crushed people hundreds of thousands and finally millions should have been seized with the longing for a re-formation of their State. . . .

I said that this value can be destroyed. There are indeed in especial two other closely related factors which we can time and again trace in periods of national decline: the one is that for the conception of the value of personality there is substituted a levelling idea of the supremacy of mere numbers – democracy – and the other is the negation of the value of a people, the denial of any difference in the inborn capacity, the achievement, etc., of individual peoples. Thus both factors condition one another or at least influence each other in the course of their development. Internationalism and democracy are inseparable conceptions. It is but logical that democracy, which within a people denies the special value of the individual and puts in its place a value which represents the sum of all individualities – a purely numerical value – should proceed in precisely the same way in the life of peoples and should in that sphere result in internationalism. Broadly it is maintained: peoples have no inborn values, but, at the most, there can be admitted perhaps temporary differences in education. Between Negroes, Aryans, Mongolians, and Redskins there is no essential difference in value. This view which forms the basis of the whole of the international thought-world of today and in its effects is carried to such lengths that in the end a Negro can sit as president in the sessions of the League of Nations leads necessarily as a further consequence to the point that in a similar way within a people differences in value between the individual members of this people are denied. And thus naturally every special capacity, every fundamental value of a people, can practically be made of no effect. For the greatness of a people is the result not of the sum of all its achievements but in the last resort of the sum of its outstanding achievements. Let no one say that the picture produced as a first impression of human civilization is the impression of its achievement as a whole. This whole edifice of civilization is in its foundations and in all its stones nothing else than the result of the creative capacity, the achievement, the intelligence, the industry, of individuals: in its greatest triumphs it represents the great crowning achievement of individual God-favored geniuses, in its average accomplishment the achievement of men of average capacity, and in its sum doubtless the result of the use of human labor-force in order to turn to account the creations of genius and of talent. So it is only natural that when the capable intelligences of a nation, which are always in a minority, are regarded only as of the same value as all the rest, then genius, capacity, the value of personality are slowly subjected to the majority and this process is then falsely named the rule of the people. For this is not rule of the people, but in reality the rule of stupidity, of mediocrity, of half-heartedness, of cowardice, of weakness, and of inadequacy….

Thus democracy will in practice lead to the destruction of a people’s true values. And this also serves to explain how It is that peoples with a great past from the time when they surrender themselves to the unlimited, democratic rule of the masses slowly lose their former position; for the outstanding-achievements of individuals which they still possess or which could be produced in all spheres of life are now rendered practically ineffective through the oppression of mere numbers. And thus in these conditions a people will gradually lose its importance not merely in the cultural and economic spheres but altogether, in a comparatively short time it will no longer, within the setting of the other peoples of the world, maintain its former value. . . .

And to this there must be added a third factor: namely, the view that life in this world, after the denial of the value of personality and of the special value of a people, is not to be maintained through conflict. That is a conception which could perhaps be disregarded if it fixed itself only in the heads of individuals, but yet has appalling consequences because it slowly poisons an entire people. And it is not as if such general changes in men’s outlook on the world remained only on the surface or were confined to their effects on men’s minds. No, in course of time they exercise a profound influence and affect all expressions of a people’s life.

I may cite an example: you maintain, gentlemen, that German business life must be constructed on a basis of private property. Now such a conception as that of private property you can defend only if in some way or another it appears to have a logical foundation. This conception must deduce its ethical justification from an insight into the necessity which Nature dictates. It cannot simply be upheld by saying: ‘It has always been so and therefore it must continue to be so.’ For in periods of great upheavals within States, of movements of peoples and changes in thought, institutions and systems cannot remain untouched because they have previously been preserved without change. It is the characteristic feature of all really great revolutionary epochs in the history of mankind that they pay astonishingly little regard for forms which are hallowed only by age or which are apparently only so consecrated. It is thus necessary to give such foundations to traditional forms which are to be preserved that they can be regarded as absolutely essential, as logical and right. And then I am bound to say that private property can be morally and ethically justified only if I admit that men’s achievements are different. Only on that basis can I assert: since men’s achievements are different, the results of those achievements are also different. But if the results of those achievements are different, then it is reasonable to leave to men the administration of those results to a corresponding degree. It would not be logical to entrust the administration of the result of an achievement which was bound up with a personality either to the next best but less capable person or to a community which, through the mere fact that it had not performed the achievement, has proved that it is not capable of administering the result of that achievement. Thus it must be admitted that in the economic sphere, from the start, in all branches men are not of equal value or of equal importance. And once this is admitted it is madness to say: in the economic sphere there are undoubtedly differences in value, but that is not true in the political sphere. IT IS ABSURD TO BUILD UP ECONOMIC LIFE ON THE CONCEPTIONS OF ACHIEVEMENT, OF THE VALUE OF PERSONALITY, AND THEREFORE IN PRACTICE ON THE AUTHORITY OF PERSONALITY, BUT IN THE POLITICAL SPHERE TO DENY THE AUTHORITY OF PERSONALITY AND TO THRUST INTO ITS PLACE THE LAW OF THE GREATER NUMBER – DEMOCRACY. In that case there must slowly arise a cleavage between the economic and the political point of view, and to bridge that cleavage an attempt will be made to assimilate the former to the latter – indeed the attempt has been made, for this cleavage has not remained bare, pale theory. The conception of the equality of values has already, not only in politics but in economics also, been raised to a system, and that not merely in abstract theory: no! this economic system is alive in gigantic organizations and it has already today inspired a State which rules over immense areas.

But I cannot regard it as possible that the life of a people should in the long run be based upon two fundamental conceptions. If the view is right that there are differences in human achievement, then it must also be true that the value of men in respect of the production of certain achievements is different It is then absurd to allow this principle to hold good only In one sphere – the sphere of economic life and its leadership – and to refuse to acknowledge its validity in the sphere of the whole life-struggle of a people – the sphere of politics. Rather the logical course is that if I recognize without qualification in the economic sphere the fact of special achievements as forming the condition of all higher culture, then in the same way I should recognize special achievement in the sphere of politics, and that means that I am bound to put in the forefront the authority of personality. If, on the contrary, it is asserted – and that, too, by those engaged in business – that in the political sphere special capacities are not necessary but that here an absolute equality in achievement reigns, then one day this same theory will be transferred from politics and applied to economic life. But in the economic sphere communism is analogous to democracy in the political sphere. We find ourselves today in a period in which these two fundamental principles are at grips in all spheres which come into contact with each other; already they are invading economics.

To take an example: Life in practical activity is founded on the importance of personality: but now gradually it is threatened by the supremacy of mere numbers. But in the State there is an organization – the army – which cannot in any way be democratized without surrendering its very existence. But if a Weltanschauung cannot be applied to every sphere of a people’s life, that fact in itself is sufficient proof of its weakness. In other words: the army can exist only if it maintains the absolutely undemocratic principle of unconditional authority proceeding downwards and absolute responsibility proceeding upwards, while, in contradistinction to this, democracy means in practice complete dependence proceeding downwards and authority proceeding upwards. But the result is that in a State in which the whole political life – beginning with the parish and ending with the Reichstag – is built up on the conception of democracy, the army is bound gradually to become an alien body and an alien body which must necessarily be felt to be such. It is for democracy an alien world of ideas, an alien Weltanschauung which inspires the life of this body. An internal conflict between the representatives of the democratic principle and the representatives of the principle of authority must be the inevitable consequence, and this conflict we are actually experiencing in Germany….

So in the same way the education to pacifism must of necessity have its effect right through life until it reaches the humblest individual lives. The conception of pacifism is logical if I once admit a general equality amongst peoples and human beings. For in that case what sense is there in conflict? The conception of pacifism translated into practice and applied to all spheres must gradually lead to the destruction of the competitive instinct, to the destruction of the ambition for outstanding achievement. I cannot say: in politics we will be pacifists, we reject the idea of the necessity for life to safeguard itself through conflict – but in economics we want to remain keenly competitive. If I reject the idea of conflict as such, it is of no importance that for the time being that idea is still applied in some single spheres. In the last resort political decisions are decisive and determine achievement in the single sphere….

To sum up the argument: I see two diametrically opposed principles: the principle of democracy which, wherever it is allowed practical effect is the principle of destruction: and the principle of the authority of personality which I would call the principle of achievement, because whatever man in the past has achieved – all human civilizations – is conceivable only if the supremacy of this principle is admitted.

The worth of a people, the character of its internal organization through which this worth of a people may produce its effect, and the character of a people’s education – these are the starting-points for political action: these are the foundations for the success of that action….

That the evidences of a crisis should today spread over almost the entire world is comprehensible when one considers that the world has been opened up and mutual relations have been strengthened to an extent which fifty, eighty, or a hundred years ago appeared scarcely possible. And yet, despite this fact, one must not believe that such a state of affairs is conceivable only now, in the year 1932. No, similar conditions have been experienced more than once in the history of the world. Always when relations between peoples produced conditions such as these, the malady affecting these peoples was bound to spread and to influence the position of all.

It is, of course, easy to say: we prefer to wait until there is a change in the general position, but that is impossible. For the position which faces you today is not the consequence of a revelation of God’s will, but the result of human weaknesses, of human mistakes, of men’s false judgments. It is but natural that there must first be a change in these causes, that men must first be inwardly transformed, before one can count on any alteration in the position.

That conclusion is forced upon us if we look at the world today: we have a number of nations which through their inborn outstanding worth have fashioned for themselves a mode of life which stands in no relation to the life-space – the Lebensraum – which in their thickly populated settlements they inhabit. We have the so-called white race which, since the collapse of ancient civilization, in the course of some thousand years has created for itself a privileged position in the world. But I am quite unable to understand this privileged position, this economic supremacy, of the white race over the rest of the world if I do not bring it into close connection with a political conception of supremacy which has been peculiar to the white race for many centuries and has been regarded as in the nature of things: this conception it has maintained in its dealings with other peoples. Take any single area you like, take for example India. England did not conquer India by the way of justice and of law: she conquered India without regard to the wishes, to the views of the natives, or to their formulations of justice, and, when necessary, she has upheld this supremacy with the most brutal ruthlessness. Just in the same way Cortez or Pizarro annexed Central America and the northern states of South America, not on the basis of any claim of right, but from the absolute inborn feeling of the superiority of the white race. The settlement of the North American continent is just as little the consequence of any claim of superior right in any democratic or international sense; it was the consequence of a consciousness of right which was rooted solely in the conviction of the superiority and therefore of the right of the white race. If I think away this attitude of mind which in the course of the last three or four centuries has won the world for the white race, then the destiny of this race would in fact have been no different from that, say, of the Chinese: an immensely congested mass of human beings crowded upon an extraordinarily narrow territory, an over-population with all its unavoidable consequences. If Fate allowed the white race to take a different path, that is only because this white race was convinced that it had the right to organize the rest of the world. It matters not what superficial disguises in individual cases this right may have assumed, in practice it was the exercise. .

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Alfred Rosenberg

Monday, August 6th, 2012

Pportrait of influential Nazi racial ‘philosopher’ Alfred Rosenberg, an early member of the Nazi Party and propagandist. His writings included the 1930 book “The Myth of the Twentieth Century” which declared the existence of two opposing races: the Aryan race, creator of all values and culture, and the Jewish race, the agent of cultural corruption – a viewpoint taken literally by Hitler and the Nazis. Below: Following his appointment as Reich Minister for the Eastern Occupied Territories, a staged scene in which Rosenberg receives a tribute of bread and flowers from a young Ukrainian couple.

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Running Out of Time

Friday, August 3rd, 2012

he war of conquest Hitler had ignited in 1939 effectively ended upon the successful D-Day landings in northern France. Instead, the war became an all-out struggle to stave off the invasion of Germany and prevent the collapse of the eleven-year-old Nazi Reich.

The German military machine that had once frightened the whole world was now unraveling under the weight of an attack across three major fronts. In the East, Hitler’s troops were withering in the face of an unstoppable Russian juggernaut. In the South, Rome had finally been liberated. In the West, more than a million Allied soldiers were now poised to smash through German defensive lines.

At this point, the great problem for Hitler as Supreme Commander of the German Armed Forces was a dwindling supply of manpower. The German armaments industry could still produce tanks and planes in the hundreds, but there were not enough trained men available to operate them.

Worse for Hitler, in the skies above Germany, a virtual fourth front had been created upon the demise of the German Air Force. The Luftwaffe, which had once terrorized Europe and England, had largely expended itself over Russia and nearly run out of pilots. The result was total air supremacy for Hitler’s enemies on all fronts along with the emergence of something completely new in the history of warfare – the thousand bomber air raid. Day and night, American and British bomber planes ranged deep into Nazi Germany targeting weapons factories and civilians alike, with the same ferocity German pilots had shown in raiding a dozen countries beginning in 1939.

For the German people, one of the worst bombing attacks occurred in July 1943, when a tornado-like firestorm erupted in Hamburg during a week of successive American and British carpet bombings. A German casualty report described the scene: “Children were torn from the hands of their parents by the tornado and whirled into the flames. People who thought they had saved themselves collapsed in a few minutes in the overwhelmingly destructive force of the heat. People who were fleeing had to make their way through the dead and the dying. The sick and frail had to be left behind by the rescuers since they themselves were in danger of burning. And each one of these nights of fire and flames was followed by a day which revealed the horror in the pale and unreal light of a smoke-covered sky. And these days were followed by new nights with new horrors, even more smoke and soot, heat and dust, with still more death and destruction. The streets were covered with hundreds of corpses. Mothers with their children, men, old people, burnt, charred, unscathed and clothed, naked and pale like wax dummies in a shop window, they lay in every position, quiet and peaceful, or tense with their death throes written in the expressions on their faces.”

Over 40,000 persons were killed in the Hamburg firestorm while three quarters of the city was destroyed. Such scenes were repeated in several other cities including Berlin, Munich, Frankfurt, Nuremberg, Cologne and Dresden. In addition to the human toll, centuries of art and culture vanished as thousand-year-old cathedrals and cherished historical monuments were instantly turned to rubble.

Although German civilians displayed a brave face at first, much as the British had done during the Blitz, the increasing severity was wearing them down nevertheless, as there was absolutely no end in sight. In the eyes of the people, the once exalted image of Adolf Hitler was beginning to erode amid the ceaseless air raids, gloomy war news from all fronts, increasing deprivations and shortages on the home front, and the ever-mounting death toll of loved ones in uniform. People who used to enthusiastically greet each other by saying “Heil Hitler,” were now inclined to avoid eye contact and say nothing at all.

For his part, Hitler chose to isolate himself from the realities of war and from the suffering of his people. By now he had stopped making speeches and was rarely seen in public, preferring to spend his time secluded at his Wolf’s Lair military headquarters in northeastern Germany or at his mountaintop villa at Berchtesgaden, along the German-Austrian border. He could not bring himself to tour cities wrecked by bombing or visit field hospitals. On one occasion, when his special Führer train momentarily stopped alongside a trainload of wounded, exhausted men returning from the Russian Front, Hitler promptly ordered his window shades pulled down.

Only among his old Nazi Party comrades did Hitler still feel comfortable. For them, his mystique had not diminished and they felt sure the military situation would be reversed, at some point down the road, by the Führer. They remembered that in the past, especially during their rise to power, Hitler had demonstrated the ability to grasp victory from thin air, time and time again, like some kind of wondrous magician.

The problem for Hitler, however, was that a growing number of his senior military commanders had lost faith in him. And these practical-minded, battle-hardened leaders had come to believe they were the last hope to save the German people from death and destruction on a nearly unimaginable scale. By the summer of 1944, it had become obvious that Germany was involved in a hopeless military struggle. And there was every indication Hitler was prepared to sacrifice countless German military and civilian lives to sustain it indefinitely for no good reason.

After the Hitler-led debacles in North Africa and Normandy, Field Marshal Erwin Rommel, perhaps the most famous military personality in the world, and a man beloved by the German people, decided to lend his enormous prestige to a newly hatched military conspiracy that would save Germany from catastrophe by ousting Hitler from power and establishing a non-Nazi replacement government.

It was not the first time that Army leaders had considered ending the rule of Hitler. There had been a dozen or so conspiracies dating back to 1936 when Hitler’s recklessness first became apparent. But all had failed, either due to Hitler’s odd luck in avoiding the setup, or because of his stunning success through the early war years which discouraged the plotters from ever taking action.

But now they were determined to do it. General Henning von Tresckow, Chief of Staff of Second Army on the Russian Front, summed it up: “The assassination must be attempted at any cost. Even should it fail, the attempt to seize power in the capital must be undertaken. We must prove to the world and to future generations that the men of the German Resistance Movement dared to take the decisive step and hazard their lives upon it.”

Killing Hitler would not be easy. By now, the Führer had become noticeably cautious and quite cagey. When taking a meal in the presence of his generals, two grim-looking SS bodyguards stood directly behind him and test-tasted his food for poison. He came and went unexpectedly, ignoring set schedules, or abruptly changed travel timetables at the last minute.

July 15, 1944, five days before the bombing–Hitler greets a visitor at his Wolf’s Lair headquarters. On the far left stands Colonel Claus von Stauffenberg. Below Left: Major-General Henning von Tresckow of the Eastern Front who provided moral backbone to the conspirators. Below Right: Lt.-General Friedrich Olbricht who functioned as Stauffenberg’s chief co-conspirator in Berlin.

As it turned out, there was just one place where Hitler maintained a semblance of a predictable schedule and regularly lingered – his midday military conference held every day either at his Wolf’s Lair headquarters or at his Berchtesgaden residence. It was now apparent to the plotters this would be their best chance. The method they chose was a unique time-delayed bomb that used a silent chemical reaction to trigger the plastic explosive rather than a conventional clock-style timer.

The man destined to plant the bomb was Colonel Klaus von Stauffenberg, a highly decorated young officer from a prestigious family. He had been wounded by a land mine in North Africa in April 1943, losing his left eye, right hand and two fingers of his left hand. Prior to North Africa, he had served in Poland, France and Russia, where he witnessed firsthand evidence of Hitler’s terror methods. Inspired to join the plot by what he saw, Stauffenberg emerged as its central figure upon his appointment as Chief of Staff to the commander of the Home Army, based in Berlin. This provided regular access to Hitler’s military conferences, since replacement troops were now being drawn from Berlin for the Russian Front.

Stauffenberg’s Home Army authority also provided the potential to spur the downfall of Nazism, starting with Berlin. There already existed a plan for an emergency military occupation of Berlin, known as Operation Valkyrie. It was created at Hitler’s own request, intended as the means to put down potential mass unrest, such as a revolt by slave laborers, since there were now millions of foreign laborers living in Germany including Berlin.

Stauffenberg’s idea was to assassinate Hitler, then hijack Valkyrie as the means of putting down Nazism. Troops and tanks would roll into Berlin according to the pre-existing Valkyrie plans, only to be told that Hitler was dead and therefore the Army was now in supreme command of the German Nation, pending the announcement of a new post-Hitler government.

An absolutely critical component of the coup scenario was that Stauffenberg and fellow conspirators had to win over any lukewarm Army officers in Berlin and force any remaining Hitler loyalists in the Army to either yield to their authority or be arrested on the spot. Once achieved, they would rapidly dismember the entire Nazi apparatus in Berlin at gunpoint, including the SS and Gestapo administrations. At the same time, the coup would spread to the Western Front, beginning with Paris, where a similar scene would play out involving the arrest of SS and Gestapo personnel by Army officers allied with Stauffenberg. And, if everything succeeded up to this point, the conspirators would make a direct appeal to the Western Allies for armistice negotiations on behalf of the new government and request an immediate end to the aerial bombing raids on German cities. Such were the ambitious plans concocted by Stauffenberg and fellow officers.

As things turned out, on the designated day, Thursday, July 20, 1944, hardly anything went according to plan. That morning, Stauffenberg reported as ordered to Wolf’s Lair and tripped the ten-minute chemical fuse. He entered the Führer’s conference room about 12:30 p.m., carrying the bomb inside his leather briefcase. He was positioned next to Hitler for the conference due to his war wounds, and resulting bad hearing. He put the briefcase by his feet under the conference table then slipped out of the room a few minutes later. But shortly after his departure, the briefcase was innocently moved out of the way by another officer so that it wound up about six feet from Hitler, on the far side of a solid oak trestle that supported the bulky table. When the bomb exploded at 12:42 p.m., its new placement shielded Hitler and he survived with apparently minor injuries.

Stauffenberg observed the blast from afar and felt sure Hitler was dead. He bluffed his way out of the Wolf’s Lair compound, boarded a waiting airplane, then took off for the three-hour journey to Berlin, confident Operation Valkyrie was underway as planned. However, much to his surprise, when he arrived in Berlin he discovered the coup had stalled due to conflicting reports concerning Hitler’s fate. Some said dead – others alive. Nobody knew what to think. Therefore all of Stauffenberg’s co-conspirators in Berlin had chosen to do nothing except await his arrival, thereby losing precious hours in the meantime. Appalled by their inaction, Stauffenberg set out to become a one-man coup, hoping to inspire everyone else to get moving, all the while insisting Hitler was indeed dead.

A view of the destroyed conference room just a few hours after the explosion. Below: Hitler and Mussolini survey the bomb damage.

But not only was the Führer alive, he even managed to keep an afternoon appointment with Benito Mussolini who arrived by train at Wolf’s Lair for a scheduled visit. Hitler gave him a detailed rundown concerning the bombing and took him directly into the wrecked conference room, even showing Mussolini the pair of bomb-tattered trousers he had been wearing at the time of the blast.

Hitler boasted that his survival was stunning proof “that Fate has selected me for my mission. Otherwise I wouldn’t be alive.” As for those responsible, “Traitors in the bosom of their own people deserve the most ignominious of deaths – and they shall have it!”

By mid-afternoon of July 20th, Stauffenberg was already a wanted man.

Shortly after the bombing, SS-Reichsführer Himmler had rushed to Wolf’s Lair and joined those around Hitler trying to fathom who might be responsible. Stauffenberg’s placement of the briefcase under the table was recalled, along with his hurried exit back to Berlin upon the bomb’s detonation.

Meanwhile, Stauffenberg and fellow conspirators in Berlin pressed forward, despite everything. Operation Valkyrie finally commenced, although it was now three hours behind schedule. Army troops in Berlin dutifully began to seal off designated blocks of the government quarters.

But confusion remained over Hitler’s status and this made it difficult to sway lukewarm officers and clamp down on the Hitler loyalists. One Army officer in particular, Major Otto Remer, a former Hitler Youth Leader, became increasingly suspicious. He wound up in the office of Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels around 7 p.m., with orders from the conspirators to arrest Goebbels. But the quick-thinking Propaganda Minister calmly assured Remer the Führer was very much alive. Remer said he needed to hear it from Hitler himself. So Goebbels telephoned Hitler, who spoke to Remer, convincing him to restore order on his behalf, by brutal means if necessary. And for good measure, Hitler promoted Remer to full colonel.

This marked the beginning of the end for Stauffenberg and the conspirators. Remer immediately set up a command post right there inside the Propaganda Ministry building and began barking orders on the telephone in the name of the Führer. As instructed by Hitler, he took personal command of all military units in Berlin. As a result, Operation Valkyrie soon ground to a halt. Worse for the conspirators, at 9 p.m., a special radio announcement said the Führer himself would soon broadcast a statement to the nation.

The final scene that day played out two hours later when eight young Army officers, now determined to demonstrate their loyalty to Hitler, turned on the conspirators inside the Army headquarters building where they were based. Armed with machine-guns and pistols, they confronted the conspirators, shooting Stauffenberg in the left arm as he turned to flee. They chased him down and shortly thereafter Stauffenberg and chief co-conspirator, General Friedrich Olbricht, were in their custody.

At this point, an interesting bit of treachery unfolded as Stauffenberg’s superior, General Friedrich Fromm, who had briefly sided with the conspirators earlier in the day, until he determined Hitler was alive, craftily played the part of a Hitler loyalist to deflect any suspicion. He offered the now-confined conspirators a chance to write a last letter and exited the room. He came back about five minutes later and announced that a court martial in the name of the Führer had just pronounced death sentences on Stauffenberg, Olbricht, and their two adjutants.

For Stauffenberg, the end came around midnight in the courtyard outside Army headquarters. As Fromm’s firing squad took aim, Stauffenberg yelled, “Lang lebe unser heiliges Deutschland!” (Long live our sacred Germany!). He was then shot dead along with Olbricht and their adjutants.

Around this time SS-Reichsführer Himmler arrived in Berlin with orders from Hitler to take complete charge. This marked the start of an SS-led terror campaign not unlike the Röhm purge seen ten years earlier.

Surprisingly, Hitler at first thought the coup was the work of a small group of Army traitors. He even stated this in his radio statement regarding the bombing as if to reassure himself and the German people that the overall Army leadership was still solidly behind him. But within days, the 400 Gestapo agents and SS officers assigned by Himmler to untangle the plot, obtained evidence indicating a breathtaking scope. And each new revelation only served to increase Hitler’s wrath. Particularly brutal was Hitler’s decision to target family members of key participants, which led Himmler to publicly threaten he would “exterminate” the extended Stauffenberg family.

Standing beneath the swastika flag and a bust of Hitler, Roland Freisler, President of the People’s Court, pronounces judgment on a group of defendants during one of several show trials held after the bombing. Below: Close-up of a stooped Hitler visiting the bedside of Admiral Karl Puttkamer who was injured in the bomb blast.

A further measure was the trial held in the People’s Court beginning on August 7th, presided over by a fanatical Nazi named Roland Freisler. With an amazingly loud, sarcastic-sounding voice, he bellowed insults at the first set of defendants standing before him as Goebbels’ film cameras recorded every moment. He called Field Marshal Erwin von Witzleben, dragged into court unshaven and wearing ill-fitting civilian clothes, a “dirty old man” for clutching his beltless pants to hold them up.

Freisler had express orders from Hitler to prohibit any courtroom speeches by the defendants. However, a cousin of Stauffenberg named Count Peter Yorck von Wartenburg, got in a few words. Grilled by Freisler as to why he never joined the Nazi Party, he responded: “What is important, what brings together all these questions is the totalitarian claim of the State on the individual which forces him to renounce his moral and religious obligations to God.” To which Freisler shouted “Nonsense!” and cut him off from any further remarks.

All eight defendants at this first trial were found guilty of treason against the Führer. The punishment as proscribed by Hitler himself was that they were to be “hanged like cattle.” And so they were transported to Plötzensee prison and brought into an execution room which had eight meat hooks attached to the ceiling. Instead of rope, piano wire was used so they would die slowly. The ghoulish execution scene played out in front of a film camera. That very night Hitler is claimed to have watched the film footage with great interest.

Germany would never be the same. The country’s remaining anti-Hitler elite – intellectuals, aristocrats, members of the clergy, and political moderates – some five thousand persons in all, were rounded up. This included the web of conspirators, along with anyone suspected of aiding or sympathizing with them, and people of conscience whose viewpoints were known. The list included many who had hoped to form the nucleus of a post-Hitler government, such as the former ambassadors to Rome and Moscow, and lesser known resistors such as Pastor Dietrich Bonhoeffer.

Several of the highest ranking military men, including Field Marshal von Kluge, Commander in Chief West, General Stuelpnagel, military governor of France, and General Tresckow, chose suicide before the Gestapo could get to them. On the brink of death, Tresckow declared: “Everybody will now turn upon us and cover us with abuse. But my conviction remains unshaken – we have done the right thing. Hitler is not only the archenemy of Germany – he is the archenemy of the world.”

Ten years earlier, Hitler had used the Röhm purge to break the Stormtrooper (SA) leadership when it became a threat to him. Now, he broke the Army leadership, forever undermining the might and power of the once-venerable German General Staff organization, founded in the 1800s. He set up a military Court of Honor to expel hundreds of suspected officers from the Army so they would be handed over as humiliated civilians to the People’s Court for quick Nazi justice. When Field Marshal Rommel was implicated, Hitler gave him a choice, as relayed by two generals who showed up at Rommel’s home. Take poison and receive a state funeral with full military honors, with a guarantee his family would not be harmed, or wind up in the People’s Court. Rommel explained it to his wife and 15-year-old son, said farewell, then drove off with the generals and took the poison when the car stopped a few miles away. Condolences, including one from Hitler, were immediately sent to his wife.

To shore up the surviving officer corps, so it could better serve him, Hitler appointed the unshakable and loyal Heinz Guderian, a brilliant Panzer commander, as the new Chief of the Army General Staff. Guderian quickly denounced the “cowardice and weakness” of those who had plotted against Hitler and commanded: “Every General Staff officer must be a National Socialist officer-leader…by actively cooperating in the political indoctrination of younger commanders in accordance with the tenants of the Führer.” Symbolically, at this point, the traditional Army hand-to-forehead salute was scrapped in favor of the stiff-armed Nazi salute.

And so it seemed, as he had done so many times in the past, Hitler had turned near-disaster to victory for himself. The failed coup and sweeping purge actually propelled Hitler to the zenith of his personal power over the military and people of Nazi Germany.

But there was a big problem now – his health was declining.

Hitler was never the same after the bomb blast of July 20th. At first, everyone around him optimistically thought he had only suffered minor injuries. But by the next day, various symptoms indicated some deeper problems. The bomb had exploded about six feet to his right. As a result, Hitler began to experience a persistent earache, which steadily worsened, in his right ear and temporarily lost all hearing in that ear. It turned out he had a ruptured eardrum. Additionally, his eyes developed an odd flicker and constantly drifted to the right. His ear and eye troubles affected his balance and he staggered like a man who had been drinking, needing to carefully focus on each step as he walked.

Presently there were four doctors hovering around the Führer and they provided a wild concoction of injections, pills and inhalers for all of his symptoms. The drugs in turn caused their own symptoms, such as severe stomach cramps, for which additional drugs were administered, resulting in an ever-increasing toxic stew of medications. On top of this, the insomnia which had plagued Hitler in recent years now became severe and he sometimes went days with little or no sleep. All of this had a dulling effect on his mind and his once-extraordinary memory and amazing recall of detail were no longer evident. At times, the exhausted Führer needed prompting as to the name of the person he was speaking with.

Personality changes were also evident after July 20th. The now-embittered Führer became impossible to reason with, as General Guderian himself recalled: “He believed no one anymore. It had been difficult enough dealing with him. It now became a torture that grew steadily worse from month to month. He frequently lost all self control and his language grew increasingly violent.”

Each passing month brought Nazi Germany nearer to the end. However, for Adolf Hitler, though worn down, there was one thing that had not diminished at all – his will power. Even at this late stage, he remained driven by the same indomitable will that had propelled him into politics in the first place, a quarter-century ago.

Meanwhile, there were still those who believed Hitler, the magician, would stun everyone and somehow turn the whole military situation around. Not surprisingly, this is exactly what Hitler tried to do. As the winter of 1944 set in, he decided to gamble for victory again, this time against the upstart Americans, in what became known as the Battle of the Bulge.

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The Last Days of Peace

Thursday, August 2nd, 2012

Before Ribbentrop had even arrived in Moscow to sign the Nazi-Soviet Pact, the British were already reacting to news of the agreement which had leaked out.

The Pact didn’t change anything as far as the British government was concerned and it so informed Adolf Hitler. Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain sent the Führer a personal letter warning him that if the Nazis invaded Poland, the British would “employ without delay all the forces at their command, and it is impossible to foresee the end of hostilities once engaged…”

The letter was delivered to Hitler at Berchtesgaden on August 23rd by British Ambassador Nevile Henderson and sent Hitler into one of his classic fits of rage. Up to this point, Hitler had been assuring his generals that Britain and France would not go to war over Poland. “The men I got to know at Munich are not the kind to start a new world war,” Hitler boasted during a military conference at Berchtesgaden.

All during 1939, Hitler had been spending more and more of his time atop his Berchtesgaden mountain retreat trying to figure things out. Thus far in his career, he had been the master chess player on the European stage, humbling and outmaneuvering all of his opponents, always a step or two ahead of everyone.

But now the game had changed. No longer was it a matter of bluff and dare. It had come down to actual threats of war, upon which rested the fate of millions. Hitler threatened war. Poland threatened war. Britain and France were threatening war.

Even the Americans were getting involved. President Franklin Roosevelt barged into the whole mess with a telegram to Hitler inquiring: “Are you willing to give assurance that your armed forces will not attack or invade the territory of the following independent nations?” Roosevelt listed 31 nations including Poland, the Baltic States, Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium, France, and Britain.

Hitler gave his answer during a speech to the Reichstag and assured ‘Herr Roosevelt’ that Germany only had peaceful intentions toward its neighbors. Germany, Hitler declared, “had not thought of proceeding in any way against Poland.”

The problem was that nobody outside Germany believed him anymore. Hitler had lied once too often. And he had made the dreadful mistake of humbling and embarrassing the leaders of the British Empire, who would never forgive him for trashing the Munich Agreement. Britain would fight, they warned him and it could mean a new world war. But despite the repeated warnings, Hitler was still convinced Britain would back off at the last moment.

Hitler’s war economy seen in full swing as Junkers Ju-88 high-speed medium bombers are mass-assembled – each capable of carrying about 3,000 pounds (1500 kgs) of bombs. Below: A middle class German family and their radio. Such inexpensive radios were distributed freely by Nazis to needy families allowing Goebbels’ powerful propaganda to reach everywhere. By 1939, all news and information from the outside world had essentially been cut off and only pre-approved music, entertainment, Nazi speeches and news reports were ever heard.
Below: A look at the grandeur of the Kurfürstendamm bridge, castle and cathedral in pre-war Berlin – a city that would be 90-percent destroyed in the coming conflict – a fate shared to varying degrees by many great cities in Europe, England and Russia.
Below: Summer 1939 and the last days of peace. Left: A youngster in Berlin frolics in a fountain featuring animals that spray water. Right: Advice is given to a young German driver on how to use a car-jack to fix a flat tire.

The great problem for Hitler at this point in his career was that his own bloated ego was fogging up his formerly crystal clear insight into international politics. The Führer-god of Germany was ever so slowly succumbing to the belief that he was infallible, that if he said such-and-such a thing was true, then indeed it must be true. He was suffering from a kind of creeping megalomania and it was clouding his judgment, blinding him to reality.

However, there was nobody left in Germany willing to tell him he was wrong, no one willing to question anything he said, no matter how outlandish it seemed.

When Hitler gathered his top generals for three separate pre-war conferences in 1939, they listened in complete silence to the dictates of the Führer, which would bring about the worst catastrophe in the history of humanity.

On May 23, 1939, the Führer assembled fourteen senior military officers in Berlin including Hermann Göring, Admiral Raeder, Generals Brauchitsch, Halder and Keitel, and explained that Germany needed a war because the Reich’s economy was in such dire straits. And fixing Germany’s economy would be “impossible without invading other countries or attacking other people’s possessions.”

For Nazi Germany, the acquisition of Lebensraum had now become an economic necessity. This was due to Hitler’s massive re-armament program which was soaking up an amazing 23 percent of Germany’s annual Gross National Product. Hitler had ordered German industry to drop everything and re-arm the country as fast as possible. As a result, the employment level in the Reich stood at 125 percent, technically, meaning there was a huge labor shortage with many jobs left unfilled, especially in agriculture. This was occurring even though the overall population of the Greater Reich had swollen to 80 million with the acquisitions of Austria and Czechoslovakia.

The lopsided Nazi economy was headed for a crash unless there was an immediate reallocation of labor and raw materials, or, unless fresh supplies of men and materials were acquired from outside the Reich. This is the option Hitler chose and so informed his generals on May 23rd.

A month later, June 23rd, Göring convened a meeting of the Reich Defense Council to coordinate the total mobilization of German manpower and resources for the coming war. Hitler was not there, but 35 civil and military officials were present including Keitel, Raeder, Halder and SS Leader Heinrich Himmler. Hitler, it was announced, had decided to draft seven million men into the armed services. The resulting severe labor shortage was to be made up by forced labor, utilizing prisoners of war, along with inmates from concentration camps and prisons. Himmler stated that “greater use will be made of concentration camps in wartime.” Göring said that “hundreds of thousands” of Czech workers would be taken into Germany as forced laborers in agriculture. This marked the inception of the Nazi slave labor program, designed to fill the Reich’s insatiable need for cheap manual labor.

By late August, the path to conquest was cleared for Hitler by the Non-Aggression Pact with Stalin, insuring that Germany would not have to fight a war on two fronts. While Ribbentrop was in Moscow to sign the Pact, and the ink on the paper was not even dry, Hitler gathered his generals at Berchtesgaden for their final pre-war conference to give them the green light for the invasion of Poland.

It was now, Hitler announced, his “irrevocable decision” to go to war.

“Our economic situation is such that we cannot hold out more than a few years. Göring can confirm this. We have no other choice. We must act,” Hitler said. Thus far, all of Germany’s territorial gains had come as a result of “political bluff” but it was now necessary to utilize Germany’s “military machine.”

“I shall give a propagandist reason for starting the war. Never mind whether it is plausible or not. The victor will not be asked afterward whether he told the truth or not. In starting and waging a war it is not right that matters but victory.”

And how were his soldiers to behave during this coming war?

“Close your hearts to pity!” the Führer ordered. “Act brutally! Eighty million people must obtain what is their right…The stronger man is right…Be harsh and remorseless! Be steeled against all signs of compassion!”

Hitler’s ‘propagandist reason’ for starting the war had already been arranged by Himmler and Heydrich at the Führer’s request. The plan was of such importance that it was code named Operation Himmler and involved having the SS stage fake attacks by the Polish Army against German troops along the German-Polish border. At the Gleiwitz radio station, a Polish-speaking German working with the SS would grab the microphone and broadcast an inflammatory speech in Polish declaring that the time had come for Poles to fight the Germans. Concentration camp inmates dressed in Polish Army uniforms would be killed by lethal injections then riddled with bullets and left as evidence of the attacks, to be viewed later by members of the press.

Preparations for Operation Himmler were fully underway, with the invasion of Poland now scheduled by Hitler to begin at 4:30 a.m. on Saturday, August 26th. As a prelude to the invasion, Goebbels’ propaganda machine went into overdrive spinning out stories of alleged atrocities committed by Poles against tens of thousands of ethnic Germans living inside Poland.

For several months now, Nazi journalists had also been trying to prepare the German people for the inevitable war in Europe. They had been personally instructed by Hitler to build enthusiasm for war and to counter civilian pessimism. But the propaganda only had limited success. Most Germans still did not want a war.

Amazingly, on the eve of battle, Friday, August 25th, Hitler lost his nerve and postponed the whole invasion. There were two big diplomatic developments that day which had shaken the Führer‘s confidence. First, Hitler became aware that Britain and Poland had signed their treaty of mutual assistance against German aggression. Secondly, Mussolini informed the Führer that Italy was unprepared for war and would not join the fight, despite the military Pact of Steel it had signed with Germany.

About 6:30 p.m. that day, Hitler summoned General Keitel to the Reich Chancellery and told him: “Stop everything at once…I need time for negotiations.”

Above all, Hitler wanted to prevent British military intervention, even at this late date. The Nazis now tried a back-door diplomatic channel, utilizing a Swedish friend of Göring’s named Birger Dahlerus as an informal go-between. Göring sent him to London to tell Foreign Secretary Halifax that the Nazis hoped to achieve some kind of “understanding” with the British. Halifax sent him back to Berlin with a letter stating the British still hoped for some kind of peaceful settlement.

Göring thought the letter from Halifax was important enough to bring to Hitler immediately. Accompanied by Dahlerus, Göring arrived at the Chancellery in Berlin around midnight on Saturday, August 26th. Hitler, normally a night owl, had already gone to bed and was awaken at Göring’s request.

Surprisingly, Hitler paid no attention to the letter but instead quizzed Dahlerus at length about the true nature of the British people. Hitler, like many of the top Nazis, both admired and hated the British, but could never seem to understand them.

Dahlerus, who had lived and worked in England, obliged the Führer and spoke about the British. But Hitler started behaving strangely. According to an account later provided by Dahlerus, the Führer “suddenly got up, and becoming very nervous, walked up and down…suddenly he stopped in the middle of the room and stood there staring. His voice was blurred, and his behavior that of a completely abnormal person. He spoke in staccato phrases: ‘If there should be war, then I shall build U-boats, build U-boats, U-boats, U-boats, U-boats’…then he pulled himself together, raised his voice as though addressing a large audience and shrieked: ‘I shall build airplanes, build airplanes, airplanes, airplanes, and I shall annihilate my enemies!’ “

Unknown to Dahlerus, the Führer had good reason to be so edgy. Several hours earlier, he had abruptly changed his mind regarding the attack on Poland and telephoned his Army High Command, ordering them to get everything ready for the new invasion date, Friday, September 1st.

Over the next few days, Dahlerus made several more trips between Berlin and London carrying proposals and counter proposals back and forth, all of which came to nothing. The Nazis essentially wanted Poland to hand over Danzig and the Polish Corridor, while the British were reluctant to do anything that smelled like another Munich Agreement.

September 1939 – Stuka dive-bombers in action over Poland. The war commenced with a devastating aerial and artillery attack followed by rapidly advancing tanks and troops – the pattern for all that was to come. Below: German troops on half-tracks roll into the city of Czestochowa, Poland.

Hitler and Ribbentrop also saw Ambassador Henderson several times and successfully manipulated him into rushing the Poles into some last minute negotiations to preserve the peace. For propaganda purposes, the Nazis wanted to make it appear to the world that they had been willing to discuss a peaceful solution with Poland. In reality, they deliberately concocted one obstacle after another to prevent any meaningful negotiations from ever occurring and then said the Poles were uncooperative.

All along the German-Polish border, military preparations were now fully underway to launch the invasion. At 12:30 p.m. on Thursday, August 31st, the Supreme Commander of the German Armed Forces, Adolf Hitler, issued Directive No. 1 for the Conduct of the War. Hitler’s objective was to destroy Poland quickly via an overwhelming lightning attack then turn his armies westward and deal with Britain and France if they attacked Germany from the west. He was still not sure whether they would actually honor their much vaunted commitment to Poland.

By nightfall on Thursday, a million and a half German soldiers were moving into final position for the invasion of Poland. Operation Himmler was put into effect at 8 p.m. as SS men dressed in Polish Army uniforms staged a series of fake border attacks, including the one at Gleiwitz where they seized the radio microphone and shouted out in Polish, “People of Poland, the time has come for war between Poland and Germany!” Hitler now had his propaganda excuse for launching the war.

At dawn on Friday morning, September 1st, German troops roared across the border into Poland smashing everything in their way. The hopelessly outdated Polish Army put up brave resistance but was crushed without mercy by the incredible German military machine.

At 10 a.m. that morning Hitler appeared before the Reichstag in Berlin and announced: “This night for the first time Polish regular soldiers fired on our own territory. Since 5:45 a.m. we have been returning the fire, and from now on bombs will be met with bombs.”

The war for Lebensraum that Hitler always wanted had finally begun. Five years, eight months and six days of bloodshed and destruction lay ahead that would see some 40 million persons killed and much of the cultural heritage of Germany and Europe destroyed. The German people had surrendered their will to one man and he had plunged them into a new world war to fulfill his own mad ambitions.

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The Nazi-Soviet Pact

Thursday, August 2nd, 2012

By the beginning of 1939, Adolf Hitler had become so bold that he tried to steal two separate neighboring territories at the same time. While he was focusing on taking Czechoslovakia, he was also pressuring Poland to give him the former German city of Danzig located on the Baltic Sea. And he wanted the Poles to permit construction of a new super highway and railroad stretching from Germany through Polish territory into East Prussia.

The territory in question was known as the Polish Corridor, a narrow strip of land which gave Poland access to the sea and cut off East Prussia from the rest of Germany. Poland had been granted this sea corridor after World War I by the Treaty of Versailles, which also designated Danzig as a Free City operating under the supervision of the League of Nations.

All of this, of course, was completely unacceptable to Hitler and to most Germans but they never had the power to do anything about it – until now.

April 1939 – Hitler is delighted by the gift of a framed painting from SS-Reichsführer Himmler in honor of his 50th birthday. Reaching the half-century mark had huge personal significance for the Führer – who now wanted his war for Lebensraum sooner rather than later. Below: Nazi elite and assorted guests at Hitler’s birthday reception held at the Hotel Kaiserhof in Berlin.

Making matters worse, Poland’s military leaders had connived with Hitler to steal a small piece of Czechoslovakia back in October 1938. Thus they were more susceptible to being pressured by the Nazis into some kind of agreement concerning Danzig and the Polish Corridor.

To achieve this, Hitler and Nazi Foreign Minister Ribbentrop held several meetings with Poland’s Ambassador to Germany, Josef Lipski, and with the Polish Foreign Minister, Józef Beck. But the Poles said they had absolutely no interest in compromising with Hitler and bluntly informed the Nazis in late November 1938 that any attempt by Germany to grab Danzig “must inevitably lead to conflict.”

Thus far, all of Hitler’s conquests had resulted from his successful use of gangster diplomacy. But now, for the first time in his career, Hitler had encountered an opponent that would not give in. Hitler responded to Poland’s defiance by ordering his generals to prepare to take Danzig “by surprise.”

Meanwhile, Hitler had managed to annex what remained of Czechoslovakia. But it had been a costly move on his part. Outraged public opinion in Great Britain resulted in a tough stance taken by Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and a firm declaration on March 31, 1939, that Britain, with the backing of France, would fight to save Poland.

Things were not going so easily for Hitler anymore. When he heard about Chamberlain’s guarantee to Poland, he flew into a rage and shouted against the British: “I’ll cook them a stew they’ll choke on!”

That stew would be World War II and was now only a matter of months away. Thus the time had come for the major powers in Europe and elsewhere to pick sides. Britain and France were already aligned with Poland. It could also be assumed that the United States would side with Britain at some future point.

Germany’s main friend in Europe, Fascist Italy, had been strangely silent up to this point. The Italian dictator, Benito Mussolini, had been hemming and hawing for about a year as to whether he would actually take the plunge and formally link his country’s future with Nazi Germany. Mussolini hesitated with good reason. During several visits with top Nazis he had listened to their reckless bragging about the coming war in Europe and Germany’s sure victory.

Mussolini was not at all opposed to the use of military force. However, he preferred to choose his targets carefully, preferably defenseless little countries such as Ethiopia and Albania, both of which he had occupied. But a European war against the major powers was another story. Mussolini’s army was simply not ready for such a war.

The Italians were also taken aback by the Nazis total disregard for the death and suffering a new world war would bring. Mussolini differed greatly from Hitler in that he did not possess the same murderous mentality as the Führer. Hitler did not value human life. Mussolini, although he was a belligerent bully and opportunist, did value life.

Interestingly, Mussolini seems to have made his final decision to ally with Hitler almost on the spur of the moment. On May 6, 1939, Nazi Foreign Minister Ribbentrop met in Milan, Italy, with Mussolini’s son-in-law, Count Galeazzo Ciano, who functioned as Italy’s Foreign Minister. Count Ciano hoped to impress upon the Nazis that Italy wished to delay the onset of war for at least three years. Ribbentrop greatly surprised Ciano by saying that Nazi Germany also wanted to delay things for another three years.

Later that evening, Mussolini telephoned Ciano for a report on the discussions and was informed the talks had gone very well indeed. Upon hearing this, Mussolini instructed his son-in-law to announce to the press that Italy and Germany had concluded an actual military alliance. Ciano then informed Ribbentrop of Mussolini’s remarkable request. Ribbentrop, naturally, had to talk to his Führer before he would agree to anything. He telephoned Hitler who immediately approved the announcement.

Portrait of Count Galeazzo Ciano, the gullible son-in-law of Mussolini, who inadvertently paved the way for the Nazi military pact with Fascist Italy.

Tragically for Italy, Mussolini and his son-in-law had completely misjudged the whole situation. By this time, Hitler had already issued secret orders to his generals to be ready to invade Poland by September 1st. The Germans were deliberately keeping the Italians in the dark as to their true intentions. The military “Pact of Steel” subsequently signed by Italy and Germany would later have disastrous consequences for the Italian people as they were drawn into Hitler’s war.

While all of these developments were occurring, Soviet Russia was feeling quite left out of the whole diplomatic scenario. The Russians voiced their dissatisfaction in a series of speeches originating from Moscow but geared toward Western ears. In March 1939, Soviet leader Josef Stalin gave a cynical speech describing the Munich Agreement and subsequent concessions made by Britain as an attempt to push Germany further eastward, perhaps into a war with Russia. Stalin warned the Western Allies that he would not allow Soviet Russia to be manipulated into a solo war against Nazi Germany while the West just stood by and watched.

In May 1939, Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov gave a speech hinting that the Western Allies should get busy and talk to Moscow soon or there might be some kind of agreement forthcoming between Soviet Russia and Nazi Germany.

However, Prime Minister Chamberlain, leader of the Western Allies, was in no hurry to talk to the Russians. He simply did not believe in the value of a military alliance with Soviet Russia. In a private letter he even asserted: “I have no belief whatever in her ability to maintain an effective offensive, even if she wanted to. And I distrust her motives…”

Chamberlain was not alone in his distrust. The Poles actually hated the Russians, knowing that Stalin would not hesitate to gobble up Poland if he had the chance. As a result, Poland, along with Britain, had thus far refused all Russian offers to discuss joint military action in the event of further Nazi aggression. This outright rejection encouraged Stalin to negotiate with the Nazis.

Although Hitler had repeatedly professed his own hatred of Bolshevism (Communism in Soviet Russia), he decided to pursue a non-aggression pact with Stalin to avoid the possibility of having to fight a war on two fronts at the same time.

Hitler’s master plan was to crush Poland with lightning speed, then turn westward and knock out France and Britain. It was therefore necessary for Soviet Russia to remain neutral, otherwise Germany might have to fight the French-British in the west and Russians in the east – the dreaded military scenario that had proved so disastrous for Germany two decades earlier during World War I.

This time around, the Western Allies would be knocked out first, then Hitler would turn his armies eastward and plunge deep into Russia, rolling over Stalin’s Red Army to acquire thousands of miles of Lebensraum at Russia’s expense.

Hitler, just like the Western Allies, had a low opinion of the Red Army’s fighting potential and also grossly underestimated Josef Stalin, one of the most ruthless humans who ever lived.

Stalin, like Hitler, did not value human life. By this time in Soviet Russia’s history, Stalin had experience in committing mass murder and had his own well-developed system of concentration camps. Stalin would kill anyone for any reason. The slightest suspicion, real or imagined, was enough to make a person vanish without a trace inside the Soviet terror state he created.

But now, through a quirk of fate, Stalin suddenly became the man of the hour in Europe. When the British finally realized there was a good possibility he might side with the Nazis, they put aside their own reservations about the man and pursued an alliance.

A beaming Josef Stalin (rear right) along with Foreign Minister Molotov (beside him) watches Nazi Foreign Minister Ribbentrop sign the Non-Aggression Pact for Germany. Below: Symbolic Russian-German handshake by Stalin and Ribbentrop after the signing.

When the Nazis realized the British were seeking an alliance, they intensified their own efforts. Thus, as the summer of 1939 arrived, a strange kind of competition sprang up between the British and the Germans as to who would succeed in getting the Russian leader to sign on the dotted line.

The biggest hurdle facing the British was that Poland refused outright to allow any Russian troops onto its soil under any conditions, even if the country was being invaded by Hitler. This, of course, made it nearly impossible to conclude a military pact involving Russia.

In addition to this, Chamberlain made a series of diplomatic blunders that allowed Hitler and Ribbentrop to gain momentum. Chamberlain’s negotiators didn’t even arrive in Moscow until August 11th. By that time, the Nazis had been hard at work laying the groundwork for a Nazi-Soviet pact.

Worse for the British, the Russians were insulted that Chamberlain sent second-rank British military officers to Moscow on such an important mission. Chamberlain also instructed his negotiators not to rush into anything at first, thus they moved at a snail’s pace during the initial discussions, frustrating the Russians. The British also declined to share any military intelligence with the Russians, further insulting them.

All of these complications served to convince Stalin that Poland and its Western Allies were not serious about seeking a military alliance against Hitler.

Stalin had no qualms about negotiating with Hitler, if it was in the best interest of Soviet Russia to do so. Hitler, of course, had every reason to negotiate with Stalin. It was now mid-August and his planned invasion of Poland was just a few weeks away.

Germany’s ambassador in Moscow, Count Schulenburg, pushed hard to get the whole process rolling and was authorized by Berlin to say yes to every Russian demand. The Russians responded kindly to this and on August 16th sent the first word back to Berlin that a non-aggression pact might indeed be forthcoming. They even took the time to provide a first draft of just such a pact.

As the days of August ticked by and September grew ever-closer, Hitler and Ribbentrop became frantically determined to get the pact finalized and signed. On August 20th, Hitler sent a personal message to Stalin stating that “a crisis may arise any day” between Germany and Poland and therefore the Russian leader should receive Ribbentrop in Moscow “at the latest on Wednesday, August 23rd.”

Once again the Russians responded kindly and agreed to see Ribbentrop on the 23rd to seal the actual agreement. The two Foreign Ministers, Ribbentrop and Molotov, thus signed the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact in a ceremony at the Kremlin building attended by Stalin himself.

Hitler had gotten what he needed. He would not have to fight a war on two fronts. And Stalin got what he wanted. According to a secret protocol attached to the pact, Stalin was granted a free hand in Eastern Europe to steal back several areas lost to Russia at the end of World War I, including the countries of Latvia, Estonia and Finland, the province of Bessarabia in Romania, and most importantly, the entire eastern portion of Poland.

Hitler was quite willing to be this generous to Stalin, knowing all along that he intended to destroy Soviet Russia itself in the not-too-distant future.

The Nazi-Soviet Pact sealed the fate of Poland, a country that was geographically isolated from its Western Allies, thus making direct military aid nearly impossible. Poland’s only hope for survival would have been an alliance with its next door neighbor, the Russians.

The news that these two cynical, ruthless men, Adolf Hitler and Josef Stalin, had made a pact with each other, shocked the world. Everyone knew what it meant – that a new world war was all but certain now. All that remained was for the Führer to say when.

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Germans Elect Nazis

Wednesday, August 1st, 2012

Adolf Hitler and the Nazis waged a modern whirlwind campaign in 1930 unlike anything ever seen in Germany. Hitler traveled the country delivering dozens of major speeches, attending meetings, shaking hands, signing autographs, posing for pictures, and even kissing babies.

Joseph Goebbels brilliantly organized thousands of meetings, torchlight parades, plastered posters everywhere and printed millions of special edition Nazi newspapers.

Germany was in the grip of the Great Depression with a population suffering from poverty, misery, and uncertainty, amid increasing political instability.

For Hitler, the master speech maker, the long awaited opportunity to let loose his talents on the German people had arrived. He would find in this downtrodden people, an audience very willing to listen. In his speeches, Hitler offered the Germans what they needed most, encouragement. He gave them heaps of vague promises while avoiding the details. He used simple catchphrases, repeated over and over.

A typical campaign scene with Nazi posters on display next to the Center Party, Communists, Socialists and others. Below: Repeated propaganda marches became a cheap and effective form of publicity – sometimes leading to violence between rival political groups. Hörst Wessel, pictured at the front, was killed during such a brawl in 1930 and raised to the status of a martyr by Nazis via the “Hörst Wessel” banner anthem.

His campaign appearances were carefully staged events. Audiences were always kept waiting, deliberately letting the tension increase, only to be broken by solemn processions of Brownshirts with golden banners, blaring military music, and finally the appearance of Hitler amid shouts of “Heil!” The effect in a closed in hall with theatrical style lighting and decorations of swastikas was overwhelming and very catching.

Hitler began each speech in low, hesitating tones, gradually raising the pitch and volume of his voice then exploding in a climax of frenzied indignation. He combined this with carefully rehearsed hand gestures for maximum effect. He skillfully played on the emotions of the audience bringing the level of excitement higher and higher until the people wound up a wide-eyed, screaming, frenzied mass that surrendered to his will and looked upon him with pseudo-religious adoration.

Hitler offered something to everyone: work to the unemployed; prosperity to failed business people; profits to industry; expansion to the Army; social harmony and an end of class distinctions to idealistic young students; and restoration of German glory to those in despair. He promised to bring order amid chaos; a feeling of unity to all and the chance to belong. He would make Germany strong again; end payment of war reparations to the Allies; tear up the treaty of Versailles; stamp out corruption; keep down Marxism; and deal harshly with the Jews.

He appealed to all classes of Germans. The name of the Nazi Party itself was deliberately all inclusive – the National Socialist German Workers’ Party.

All of the Nazis, from Hitler, down to the leader of the smallest city block, worked tirelessly, relentlessly, to pound their message into the minds of the Germans.

On election day September 14, 1930, the Nazis received 6,371,000 votes – over eighteen percent of the total – and were thus entitled to 107 seats in the German Reichstag. It was a stunning victory for Hitler. Overnight, the Nazi Party went from the smallest to the second largest political party in Germany.

It propelled Hitler to solid national and international prestige and aroused the curiosity of the world press. He was besieged with interview requests. Foreign journalists wanted to know – what did he mean – tear up the Treaty of Versailles and end war reparations? – and that Germany wasn’t responsible for the First World War?

Gone was the Charlie Chaplin image of Hitler as the laughable fanatic behind the Beer Hall Putsch. The beer hall revolutionary had been replaced by the skilled manipulator of the masses.

On October 13, 1930, dressed in their brown shirts, the elected Nazi deputies marched in unison into the Reichstag and took their seats. When the roll-call was taken, each one shouted, “Present! Heil Hitler!”

They had no intention of cooperating with the democratic government, knowing it was to their advantage to let things get worse in Germany, thus increasing the appeal of Hitler to an ever more miserable people.

Nazi storm troopers dressed in civilian clothes celebrated their electoral victory by smashing the windows of Jewish shops, restaurants and department stores, an indication of things to come.

Now, for the floundering German democracy, the clock was ticking and time was on Hitler’s side.

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