Posts Tagged ‘Africa’

Murderous racist South Africa – but not as the BBC sees it

Thursday, March 14th, 2013

LIFE IN SOUTH AFRICA TODAY

MSM run by the censors themselves

By Jan Lamprecht
“I killed them because they were white.” These famous words were spoken last year by William Kekana, who participated in one of the most horrendous incidents in which the entire family of Mr. Clifford Rawstorne was wiped out, consisting of his fiancée, baby, as well as his own mother. Even this massacre of an entire family would not have made headlines, were it not for the fact that one year-old Kayla was executed on her very first birthday with a shot in the head. Needless to say, the two adult women were first raped before being killed.

What strikes me about the relentless killings of educated whites, is that the criminals are indeed “burning down the libraries” of this country and physically exterminating the intellectual class, much like Pol Pot did in Cambodia. No government spokesman has ever condemned such killings; so we may assume that the present regime is completely indifferent to them, where such killings do not enjoy their tacit support.

South Africa’s Minister of Safety and Security, His Excellency Mr. Charles Nqakula, whose official résumé proudly states that he was once “a waiter and wine steward”, has immortalised himself by euphemistically stating that there was no real crime problem in South Africa, except that it was “a little on the high side”.

At the height of apartheid under Hendrik Verwoerd, South Africa was almost as peaceful as Switzerland but she was immoral. Today we are the apotheosis of racial morality and political correctness, yet as violent as the Congo or Liberia. Crime our biggest industry – bigger than gold-mining or manufacturing – it also stimulates consumption as stolen goods are replaced; it is a boon to the insurance and security industries and ultimately makes surgeons and undertakers rich. The government earns billions of rands in Value-Added Tax on stolent goods being replaced with new ones. So crime pays.

During the time of National Party reforms in the seventies and eighties, the cliché “adapt or die” used to do the rounds. Nowadays, given the highest murder rate in the world, this should be modified slightly to read, “adapt and die”. For the endemic social violence in South Africa is probably incurable.

Optimists think that violent crime can be solved through better policing, more efficient courts and more secure prisons. Even assuming that such improvements were possible under conditions of hard-core affirmative action, it must be admitted that criminal justice treats the symptom and not the cause of social violence. The Department of Correctional Services, for one, has lost 496 out of 500 former Deputy Directors since 1994, representing most of the intellectual capital in the department. Newcomers may learn their job properly, or they may not, but they have to be flown to overseas countries to find out how prisons work as most of those previously involved in managing our prisons are no longer there.

South Africa used to have a problem of political violence. It was not as bad as elsewhere in Africa, but for some reason elicited hysterical international condemnation. However, actors in political violence are mostly driven by some sort of creed or belief system. Whether such a person is a communist, an anarchist, a neo-Nazi or an ethnic or religious guerilla fighter, he is usually amenable to persuasion or compromise. Even a group of Muslim suicide bombers might declare peace if they were given a territory in which to set up an Islamic theocracy, governed only by themselves and not subject to any outside influence.

In the same way, South Africa’s so-called liberation movements who were at one time fanatically convinced of the need for violent and bloody revolution, laid down arms and bombs upon being told that F.W. de Klerk would surrender power unconditionally. So living political violence is often intractable, but not impossible.

Not so social violence. Endemic crime, the breakdown of the social fabric, a sense of drift regarding norms of good conduct, point to a far deeper problem. The freedom fighter or urban terrorist is ultimately rational, despite a value system that normal society might find idiosyncratic.

But what is “normal society”? It is only the sum-total of behaviours prevalent in any given society at any given time. The Aztecs, infamously, practised daily human sacrifice to appease their sun god. It might revolt many of us today, but to them it was entirely normal. South Africa currently sacrifices about 87 humans per day to violent crime, or 32 000 per year. Those are only the ones who actually die. Scores of others are injured, maimed, traumatised, robbed, raped, burgled and so on.

However, some time ago a Johannesburg newspaper engaged in chronicling some local history in the suburbs of Westdene and Lakefield in Benoni. Nearly every resident had a story to tell, an entire litany of mayhem. Mr. John Gee miraculously survived a shot through the eye, but now feels traumatised. His wife says, “One lives in fear in one’s own home. One does not sleep. One prays for protection, yet only more fears come.”

But who are the authors of South Africa’s social violence? Even asking this question presents one wit! h a sense of discomfort, because most violent criminals in South Africa are young black men between the ages of 16 and 36. As one surgeon who had stitched together at least three child rape victims, two of whom were infants, said recently, “Probably white men commit such acts too; it is just that no-one in South Africa has come across such a case.”

Explanations for such deviancy are manifold. The ubiquitous answer of it being due to apartheid might have been satisfying if other African societies never subject to group areas and a homeland system did not display similar traits. The Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone come to mind. There is a whole nature/nurture debate around black violence, except that no adherent of the “nature” side would publicly admit to being one, for fear of being branded a racist.

Even though mainstream American cancer research has conclusively shown that black men have higher levels of testosterone than their white counterparts, few would hazard the notion that this might be linked to their greater propensity for violent crime.

America has a gargantuan prison population of two million, over half of which consists of African-Americans. This is despite their minority status in the USA, comprising only 12% of an overall population amounting to 290 million.

South Africa could neither afford nor succeed, given the dire state of our criminal justice system, in jailing a similar number of black male offenders. Currently, only 10% of murderers in South Africa get arrested and only 6% are convicted. Any murderer therefore has a! 94% chance of getting away with it.

If by some miracle, all serious criminals in the country had to be caught and imprisoned, the prison population would surely treble or quadruple from the present 200,000, which is already high by world standards. Not only is such an improvement inconceivable under current conditions, but it would also be politically unpopular with the ruling ANC who would be incarcerating large numbers of young black males who are mostly its own supporters at the polls.

Few whites, if any, commit violent crime and there are only 3,900 of them in prison, mostly for white-collar offences such as fraud or insider trading on the stock exchange. All that remains in the world’s most violent society, is precisely to adapt and die. Twice as many South Africans of all races now die of murder than of road accidents – even though the road accident rate is also the highest in the world, surpassing that of Turkey. Crime extends to trade in driver’s licences, so that a large number of drivers use so-called “bought licences”, hardly a contribution to road safety.

There are some people naive enough to think that “something can be done about crime” in South Africa, mostly opposition politicians who dream about diverting funds from arms procurement to policing, but this would be futile. There are already three times as many private security personnel as state-employed policemen, and even they do not succeed in containing what has become Africa’s only peacetime killing field.

“I killed them because they were white.” These famous words were spoken last year by William Kekana, who participated in one of the most horrendous incidents in which the entire family of Mr. Clifford Rawstorne was wiped out, consisting of his fiancée, baby, as well as his own mother. Even this massacre of an entire family would not have made headlines, were it not for the fact that one year-old Kayla was executed on her very first birthday with a shot in the head. Needless to say, the two adult women were first raped before being killed.

Both William Kekana and his accomplice, Charles Fido Baloyi, fell into the high-risk group of young black (and Coloured) males who commit almost all violent crime in the country. South Africa actually has a Minister of Safety and Security, which to some might seem like an example of absurd humour. His Excellency Mr. Charles Nqakula, whose official résumé proudly states that he was once “a waiter and wine steward”, has immortalised himself by euphemistically stating that there was no real crime problem in South Africa, except that it was “a little on the high side”.

All in all, South Africa has got remarkably used to its new-found status as the crime capital of the world. The high-rise districts of Hillbrow and Berea in Johannesburg have been officially designated by Interpol as having the highest murder rate in the world, that is, 600 people per 100 000 population members per annum. Consider for a moment that such a figure represents 12 times the rate found in inner-city ghettoes in the United States, often seen as no-go zones by many Americans.

One British immigrant to South Africa who has survived three car hijackings, refuses to emigrate, stating that he is now accustomed to having Kalachnikovs pointed at him from pointblank range. Everyone knows a relative or friend who has been killed or at least subjected to some form of violent crime, and no South African can remotely imagine a society where people do not live behind razor wire, electrified fences, high walls, burglar bars and similar decorative props.

Outsiders might find our lifestyle bizarre, but many pundits in South Africa consider our society to be much more “normal” now than at any time in the past, which was tarnished by ethnic separation albeit without the present large-scale violence. At the height of segregation and apartheid under Hendrik Verwoerd, South Africa was almost as peaceful as Switzerland but she was immoral. Today we are the apotheosis of racial morality and political correctness, yet as violent as the Congo or Liberia. Surprisingly, however, our economy continues to function amid the carnage. No economist has ever studied this as far as I know, but not only is crime our biggest industry – bigger than gold-mining or manufacturing – it also stimulates consumption as stolen goods are replaced; it is a boon to the insurance and security industries and ultimately makes surgeons and undertakers rich. The government earns billions of rands in Value-Added Tax on stolent goods being replaced with new ones. So crime pays.

News about killings or shoot-outs no longer elicits the slightest surprise. It is part of our daily existence, and one assumes the lethal risks attending to something as simple as going shopping or driving to work. My wife, for example, has twice been to the local shopping centre where in the one instance a shoot-out was taking place in the parking area so that she had to hide between the cars with our 18 month-old son in her arms; in the second case an armed robbery had just taken place with the robbers casually strolling by with their guns and their loot.

Everyone knows someone who has been killed, raped or maimed. Just this week, the wife of a friend and former literary editor of Die Burger, François Smith, was stabbed to death with a screwdriver in their home in Wellington, near Cape Town. Her murderer was a 16-year-old squatter camp resident whose race was omitted by the press but presumably few, if any whites, reside in his particular squatter camp which is dedicated to black Africans. Lisbé Smuts-Smith was a well-known academic and head of the Afrikaans literature department at the University of Cape Town. Just two weeks ago, another UCT academic, mathematician Brian Hahn, was attacked by a former student, dr. Maleafisha Steve Tladi (35). Hahn died in hospital a week later, while Tladi was release! d on bail of R500 (about $80).

Two years ago Louw Rabie, a brilliant albeit reclusive geologist and brother of author Jan Rabie, was beaten to death with a fence pole by two Coloured men to whom he had lent some money a week earlier. Police in the small Cape town of Montagu readily caught his murderers because they happened to have drinking money during the week, taken from his home. He was 80 years old, but in good health. He is reputed to have been one of the most brilliant geologists and intellectuals this country has ever produced, writing copiously throughout his life but disdaining publication and public esteem. Africans with their oral tradition are fond of saying that “when an old person dies, a library burns down”.

What strikes me about the relentless killings of educated whites, is that the criminals are indeed “burning down the libraries” of this country and physically exterminating the intellectual class, much like Pol Pot did in Cambodia. The media are celebrating youth, dance, colour, being black and exuberant – as opposed to the quiet studiousness of middle-aged and elderly whites, the bearers of knowledge and understanding. Are these learned whites who are being killed in exuberant, paradisiacal outbreaks of violence simply the remnants of a civilisation that is being eradicated in the name of decolonisation? No government spokesman has ever condemned such killings; so we may assume that the present regime is completely indifferent to them, where such killings do not enjoy their tacit support.

Farming in South Africa is now arguably the most dangerous profession in the world with more than 1600 farmers murdered since 1994, often in macabre and dehumanising ways.

To the outside world, white South Africans are congenitally evil. If our murderers and rapists had been white and their victims black, Europe or the United States would long ago have sent an expeditionary force to put a stop to it.

At present, news of white suffering in South Africa inspires the occasional yawn in Western capitals. This is why a recent article in The Despatch, detailing the rape of a dog by three black men, gave me some hope that a chord will be struck somewhere in the coolly indifferent breasts of our fellow-Westerners.

Even if the lives of Louw Rabie, Brian Hahn, Lisbé Smuts-Smith, Kayla Rawstorne and tens of thousands of others are of no value to them, perhaps they will take pity on the mongrel bitch in Grahamstown that was recently raped by three black men. Cycling has become a popular sport in South Africa. However, its practitioners regularly get shot at by gangs of black youths in the street, so that many of them carry guns and knives for self-defence on their bicycles.

Members of the Johannesburg mountain-bike club were outraged a while ago when two cyclists, Scott and Lloyd Griffith, were charged with murder after an armed battle with their four black assailants, one of whom succumbed to his wounds. Most of the time, however, whites are helpless victims of crime.

The government has recently passed a new gun law which makes it difficult, if not impossible, to own a firearm. They have also abolished rural commandos of military reservists entrusted with crime-prevention in the country, without any police units replacing them. Occasionally the newspapers carry stories of crime victims successfully defending themselves against attacks, offering armed resistance. As a result of the new gun law, this will soon end and we shall simply be able to hide or flee from our assailants. Defending oneself against a marauding robber or rapist might be a manifestation of racism, and is therefore frowned upon as being a kind of “right-wing” response.

Being robbed of one’s vehicle or household belongings is now considered quite normal, and often people ascribe escaping with their lives to their own astuteness, such as being friendly to the robber, helping him load the effects into a vehicle, not looking him in the face so as not to recognise him afterwards, et cetera.

A friend of mine in Kempton Park kept up a reasonable conversation with the thieves emptying his house, tied up as he was with a gun pointed at him. He survived, although his elderly mother was badly roughed up and had to be hospitalised. In other instances, of course, people are not so lucky and they become just another murder statistic. Then they simply adapt and die.
_____
*The first draft of this article was submitted to the British Spectator, which turned it down about a year ago. I have now updated it with references to more recent incidents. Probably no mainstream newspaper in South Africa will publish it, because it refers to the race and gender of violent criminals, which is taboo here as elsewhere in the Western world.

http://beforeitsnews.com/opinion-conservative/2013/03/murderous-racist-south-africa-but-not-as-the-bbc-sees-it-2592854.html?currentSplittedPage=0

As George Orwell said, however, “during times of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act”
In the interest of drawing attention to the anarchy that exists in South Africa, the author qualifies his copyright on this article and invites everyone to post it on his or her website, copy it and mail it to friends and mailing lists, translate it into other languages and to distribute it far and wide.

The only condition is that no element must be changed or censored.

Posted By Jan Lamprecht AfricanCrisis Webmaster Author of: Government by Deception

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Magical Ventures of Loli and Lenny (Trumpets in the Wild)

Wednesday, December 26th, 2012

http://www.amazon.com/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Daps&field-keywords=loli+and+lenny

 Magical Ventures of Loli and Lenny (Trumpets in the Wild)

 

Magical Ventures of Loli and Lenny (Trumpets in the Wild)



 

 


Book Description

Publication Date: December 25, 2012
“But why are they called the Paladins?” Loli asked curiously.“A Paladin is a defender of a cause. He maybe a knight, a warrior or a champion known for his heroism or chivalry….”

Eight-year-old Loli and her cousin Lenny realise that they have been chosen to be
just that – Earth Paladins! Saviours of the planet earth and all its beings by one of the most powerful but secret organisations on this planet. It all starts with their discovery of a hidden secret in Lenny’s backyard – a magical secret! From Ipads, tennis and school assignments to wands, cauldrons and powerful spells, their lives change forever.

Their first mission to save planet earth exposes them to the dangers of the interior most jungles of Africa to encounters with enchanted mystical beings. Come be a part Loli and Lenny’s adventures or magical ventures of a lifetime!


Product Details

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Slave Tourism: African-Americans Travel to Ghana to See an Ugly Past

Wednesday, September 5th, 2012

Ghana’s Cape Coast Castle shimmers serenely in its whitewashed beauty. It is hard to exaggerate the castle’s breathtaking architectural majesty. Yet it, like Ghana’s 30-odd medieval slave forts, once housed almost unimaginable evil: thousands of captured Africans were packed, with little food or water, into grossly overcrowded dungeons, awaiting the terrible voyage to the New World—the notorious Middle Passage.

Yet the Slave Coast, starting point for almost 6.5 million (16 percent) of American slaves between 1690 and 1807, is becoming an unusual tourist destination. The Obama family went to Cape Coast Castle in 2009, in part because First Lady Michelle Obama’s family lore holds that it was the last point in Africa seen by her great-great-great-grandfather before he was sent to the Virginia slave market. Frommer’s named Ghana one of the top tourist destinations for 2012.

African-American travelers, who as a group spend over $40 billion on domestic and international travel annually, have increasingly been traveling to Africa.  While Ghana does not hold sole claim to the landmarks of the slave trade and the African-American diaspora, its historic role was significant, says Professor Ishmael Mensah, Lecturer at the Department of Hospitality and Tourism Management, University of Cape Coast. Of the roughly 65,000 Americans who visit Ghana annually, says Mensah, about one-third, or 22,000, are African Americans.

Ghanaians who live on the coast—in the shadow of the castles—are deeply ambivalent about the castles themselves, says Emmanuel K. Akyeampong, a native Ghanaian who is now Professor of History and Professor of African and African American Studies at Harvard. “Many people living in the coastal communities are dependent on tourism for their livelihood, but it is a tourism that emphasizes a profoundly disturbing history,” he says.

The Akan people make up the ethnic majority in both Ghana and the Ivory Coast.

Akyeampong says, “Especially among the Akan—and I’m Akan—there’s always been a reluctance to talk about slavery or make reference to people’s ancestry, at least partly because of Akan history and the Akan absorption of large numbers of people of unfree origin.”

One practical problem, our driver told us, is that African Americans arrive in Ghana happy and expectant—but often leave the Cape Coast forts angry and even hostile. “Before they hit the forts,” he said, “they’re generous tippers. Afterwards, not so much.”

Indeed, it’s hard to stay cheerful after a tour of the dungeons—accurately called “slave holes” by the Europeans. The stench of the women’s dungeon at Elmina Castle is so overpowering, even 150 years after it was last used, that I had to excuse myself and walk up into the sunshine.

Paula D. Royster didn’t tip her guide after her tour of Cape Coast Castle. The guide asked her why.

“You didn’t tell the rest of the story,” she recalls saying. “You didn’t tell how they got here. You didn’t say what happened once they got on those ships.”

Royster is President and CEO of the Centre for African American Genealogical Research (CAAGRI), a Virginia-based nonprofit organization dedicated to reuniting as many African and African-descended families as possible through genealogical research. It maintains an office in Princes Town, on Ghana’s coast.

“How could a small number of Europeans come here and transport millions of people abroad?” Royster asks. “We know the answer. The whole well-orchestrated effort was done with Africans. The Ashanti Kingdom alone became wealthy and powerful built on its participation in the slave trade. And African kings continued to sell Africans into slavery long after slave trading had been abolished by all countries.”

Visitors like Royster are one reason why Aykeampong believes Diaspora tourism has been good for Ghana. “Since the early 1990s, when many African Americans started coming on slave-route tourism, we’ve been changed by their eagerness to engage Ghanaians about this history of humanity, greed and capitalism,” he says. “The castles force you to think about something Henry Louis Gates addresses—African participation. Africans sold Africans.”

Indeed, the castles force you to ponder how the slave trade worked. African-Americans who come to Ghana to commemorate and honor their heritage may instead ask, as did a middle-aged black man on our tour: “Who brought the slaves to this fort from the interior?” The guide said he would talk about that later—for the moment he was talking about the Europeans.

Similar questions plagued the renowned African-American writer Richard Wright on his 1954 trip to Ghana. In his book, Black Power, he wrote, “But am I African? Had some of my ancestors sold their relatives to white men? What would my feelings be when I looked into the black face of an African, feeling that maybe his great-great-great-great grandfather had sold my great-great-great grandfather into slavery?” He was never able to resolve these conflicts, writing later, “I am the progeny of the captives, I am the vestige of the dead.”

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Mali armed groups using hundreds of child soldiers: NGO

Monday, August 6th, 2012

Hundreds of children have been forced into armed groups in northern Mali, some serving as soldiers and others used as sex slaves, rights campaigners told reporters Sunday.

“We have several hundred children aged between nine and 17 years old within the ranks of the armed groups including the Islamistswho control northern Mali,” said Mamoud Lamine Cisse, president of a Malian child rights coalition.

“After investigations, we have corroborating information that these children are used as soldiers, minesweepers, scouts, spies, messengers, look-outs, cooks and sexual slaves in the case of young girls,” Cisse told journalists.

The children were mostly from Mali, Senegal and Niger, he said.

The Malian Coalition of Child Rights is a grouping of 78 Malian and international associations.

The Islamists, who have controled the vast desert north of Mali for four months, recently told AFP they were recruiting children of “all ages” throughout the Sahel “to fight in the name of God.”

Once seen as one of west Africa’s most stable democracies, in just a few months Mali has been split in two and is struggling to rebuild a strong central government.

The crisis erupted when Tuareg rebels in January launched a rebellion in the north pressing for an independent homeland, which swiftly overwhelmed the nation’s army.

Angry soldiers launched a coup on March 22, but in the political and security vacuum, the north became easy prey and fell to rebel groups in a matter of days.

The Tuareg rebels have since been completely sidelined by armed jihadist groups linked to Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).

The Islamists have enforced strict sharia law, whipping smokers and drinkers and last week stoning an unmarried couple to death.

In the city of Gao on Sunday, residents intervened to prevent their Islamist rulers from chopping off the hand of a thief.

Members of Ansar Dine, another Islamist group, have destroyed ancient Muslim tombs and other World Heritage sites in Timbuktu because they consider them idolatrous.

The International Criminal Court in July launched a preliminary inquiry into the events in Mali.

They were acting upon a request from the embattled interim authorities who allege war crimes including rapes, civilian massacres and use of child soldiers.

The UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres said Friday the five-month conflict had forced 260,000 Malians to flee to neighbouring countries.

“If a political solution is not found the chances of this developing beyond Mali are enormous,” he warned.

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S African convicted in Mandela plot

Friday, July 27th, 2012

The mastermind of a white supremacist plot in to kill Nelson Mandela, South Africa’s first black president, has been convicted of treason. A Pretoria court ruled that Boeremag group leader Mike du Toit was involved in nine bombings in Johannesburg’s Soweto township in 2002. He is the first person to be convicted of treason in S Africa since white minority rule ended in 1994. Analysts say race relations in S Africa are still tense. However, white extremist groups like Boeremag, which means Afrikaner Power in Afrikaans, have very little support. The Pretoria High Court handed down its verdict against Du Toit, a former academic, following a nine-year trial.
Witnesses told the court that Boeremag had carried out a spate of bombings in Soweto in 2002 and had planned to assassinate Mr Mandela, who became South Africa’s first black president in 1994 and acted as a unifying force after decades of white-minority rule. The Boeremag also intended to shoot whites who opposed their vision of a racially pure nation, the witnesses said.

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South Africa Keeps Miners in Dark on Nationalisation

Saturday, July 7th, 2012

A major conference of South Africa’s ruling African National Congress (ANC) last week was billed as the final nail in the coffin for a drive to nationalise the country’s mines. Instead, the policy corpse appears to be alive and kicking.

While “blanket nationalisation”—a sweeping buyout that would cost the state, by its own reckoning, $132 billion, or nearly an entire annual budget—and a windfall tax appear to be off the table, the week-long ANC talk-fest has left almost everything else up in the air.

Amid confusion about reports of more state mining firms, partial nationalisation and “strategic” minerals, Enoch Godongwana, the head of the ANC’s ‘Economic Transformation’ Committee, took to the airwaves on Thursday to offer some clarity.

It didn’t help.

“I do not know what kind of clarity people want,” Godongwana, a big-hitter in ANC policy circles, told Talk Radio 702, adding that nationalisation “remains as a weapon for the ANC, as a tool, an instrument, as an option.”

Since the meeting concluded on Friday, various ANC factions have come out to claim victory in their fight to screw more rent out the mines, the economic backbone of the white-minority apartheid state that ended in 1994, and no friend of South Africa’s overwhelming black majority.

Business Day reported on Thursday that delegates from six of South Africa’s nine provinces pushed for mines and firms in the steel and energy sectors to be taken over—to the delight of the ANC Youth League, the most vocal proponent of the idea.

The conference also endorsed the idea of “strategic nationalisation” if backed by the “balance of evidence”—whatever that may mean.

However, the possibility remains that keeping everybody guessing—including ANC rank and file—is actually part of the plan for the party’s top brass as it moves towards the December internal vote and a general election in 2014.

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Prisons to Stop Releasing Illegal Aliens

Friday, June 15th, 2012

Beginning Friday morning, prisons will stop their policy of releasing illegal entrants to Israel once they have passed a security check, Voice of Israel radio reports. Instead, those who enter the country illegally will remain in jail until deportation, unless they are granted authorization to remain in the country.

The change follows criticism over the past several days, during which police have conducted an operation dubbed “Going Home” to round up and deport illegal aliens. Many noted the futility of deporting illegal entrants while at the same time allowing more to enter the country.

In the past, prisons checked to ensure that entrants had no ties to terrorism, then sent them to any destination in the country for free.

On Sunday, the “Going Home” operation will mark its first major success, with 100 Sudanese citizens going home to South Sudan by choice. More than 200 other Sudanese citizens have agreed to go home as well.

A ministerial committee has approved a bill that would go further, by setting harsher punishments for those who employ illegal entrants or rent them apartments. Voting on the bill was delayed over objections from the Kadima party.

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South Africa: The Last of Mandela’s Nation

Wednesday, May 30th, 2012

As the controversy over The Spear peters out, an opportunity is here for South Africa to assess the events of the past few weeks and what they have revealed about the country. Apart from re-uniting most of the Polokwane brigade that carried Jacob Zuma to victory in 2007, the painting bared a festering wound of racial animosity and anger where once there existed national reconciliation.

The irony of the contrast between two mass gatherings in Johannesburg on Tuesday did not go unnoticed. At Nelson Mandela Square in Sandton, people gathered to record a birthday song for Nelson Mandela, South Africa’s greatest symbol of reconciliation and national unity, for his 94th birthday in July.

Across town, thousands of ANC supporters, led by the senior leadership of the alliance, marched from Zoo Lake to the Goodman Gallery in Rosebank in protest against The Spear painting, which had been on display there earlier this month.

On social networking sites, some people remarked on the juxtaposition between the two events, especially in light of the divisive posters on display at the march such as “Whites hate blacks” and “Draw your white father naked not our president”.

The crowd at Mandela Square was a multi-racial one, singing in harmony to rejoice another year of life of the great icon. The ANC march was mostly African, militant and spewing bile. The wrath was directed at everyone associated with the artwork, which the ANC and others perceived as promoting an attack on all African people.

The leaders who spoke on behalf of the ANC, SACP, Cosatu, Young Communist League and the South African National Civic Organisation all beat the war drums, emphasising the racial divide – because the artist is white, the subject is African and most of those who want the painting banned are black.

According to ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe they were there to assert the “right to defend African values and culture”. But the approach of the ANC and its alliance partners throughout the debate has been to attack, intimidate, seek revenge and manipulate the national psyche. They have now successfully scared off all the parties associated with the painting by terrorising them into submission.

Whether the painting is indeed racist and a mockery of black bodies will always remain a matter of perspective – no matter what the courts, the Film and Publications Board, the art critics and the ANC say.

It took the emotional breakdown of Zuma’s lawyer in court last week to expose how raw emotions still are over the pain, humiliation and devastation of apartheid and the lack of closure for many South Africans. Since the end of the TRC process, there has been no attention given to healing the wounds of apartheid, to nursing the scars, to making amends and to building social cohesion.

As a result, South Africa is now a shadow of the illustrious nation it was under Mandela’s presidency – a nation which triumphed over apartheid and set off on a journey to work and heal together. Since 1999, the reconciliation project was elbowed out of the way as the pursuit of power, social status and wealth became the national obsession.

And the very custodian of our non-racial democracy, the ANC, is primarily responsible for the changing nature of South African society as it knowingly abandoned national reconciliation in favour of economic transformation. The process of healing and reconciling, as far as the ANC is concerned, is something Mandela did successfully and is over and done with.

If legislation can ensure that places of learning and work become fully racially integrated, no laws can change attitudes or remove racial prejudices. Random acts of racism and prejudice which are publicised give the impression that these are out of the ordinary. Yet in homes and communities across the country, racial animosity festers and is disregarded as long as it remains unseen.

So when Brett Murray‘s painting was publicised by City Press, it triggered a series of events which placed race at the centre of the debate. Ironically, it is the ANC which is screaming racism and condemning the artist’s intent to display Zuma’s flaws as being motivated by racial malice.

The ANC leaders who have led this charge and have repeatedly made sweeping statements about white people in an effort to keep The Spear controversy alive, seem not to be cognisant of how much they are further eroding Mandela’s ideals and vision for a country distinguished by national reconciliation and respect for all races.

Even if they were correct in interpreting the painting as insulting and an assault on all Africans, would “Mandela’s people” push the country to the brink by spewing racial invective or provide responsible leadership to get the nation past this divisive issue?

It is in this context that the head of the Catholic Church in Southern Africa, Cardinal Wilfrid Napier made a public call to the president to lead a national dialogue on reconciliation and dignity.

“The furore over the painting The Spear by Brett Murray has exposed a number of fault lines in our South African civic discourse. I wish to express my horror at the tone and temperament of the language around this painting,” Napier said in a statement.

He was particularly horrified by comments by a leader of the Shembe Church: “Calling for the ‘stoning’ of someone who has created an expression of his own vision is tantamount to hate speech and is a very clear incitement to violence.”

“The jump to the language of race has once again allowed us to default to the easy position of blame without having to make any effort to understand or to attempt a broader dialogue.

“Let me be clear. I don’t like the painting, its graphic subject matter or the slur on the character of the president. But simply reducing this incident to the level of race is a sad indicator that we have, once again, allowed the easy card to be played because it serves to deflect us from the real issues of national reconciliation and the building of a community that chooses the highest possible good rather than the lowest and basest human instincts,” Napier said.

According to Napier’s spokesman, Father Chris Townsend, the presidency has not acknowledged or responded to the cardinal’s call.

While Zuma was deputy president, the government launched a Moral Regeneration Movement “to facilitate, encourage and co-ordinate programmes in society that work towards restoring the moral fibre of South Africa”. The MRM was one of Zuma’s responsibilities and was meant to “co-ordinate moral renewal activities in South Africa in an effort to build an ethical, moral, caring and just society”.

Ten years later, few people know about this initiative and it has little if any resonance on the ground. It is precisely because government is failing to take the lead to build social cohesion that religious organisations have to step in and take the lead, says Townsend.

But national unity is not a “nice to have”. The Constitution states that, among the president’s responsibilities, he must “promote the unity of the nation and that which will advance the Republic”. It is perhaps then the greatest irony that it was the president’s image that caused such divisiveness and discord in the country, and did not in any way “advance” the republic.

As the remnants of Mandela’s nation progressively diminishes, there appears to be no will to preserve the elements of reconciliation which made South Africa a miracle nation.

On Tuesday, the presidency announced that Mandela had left Johannesburg to return to his home in Qunu. With the former president very frail with age, there is always trepidation when he travels and questions about whether he has adequate medical care at his rural home. And of course there are always fears about how much longer he will be with us.

One of the few consolations we have is that Madiba is probably not aware how bad things have turned out and how his nation has been broken. If Qunu can protect him from finding out how divisive the rest of South Africa has become, long may he live there.

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Ahmed Ben Bella, militant leader in Algeria’s struggle for independence, dies at 95

Thursday, April 12th, 2012

Ahmed Ben Bella, a key militant leader in Algeria’s struggle to win independence from France who then served as the first post-liberation president before being deposed in a 1965 coup, died April 11 at his home in Algiers. He was believed to have been 95.

State news media in the North African nation announced the death but did not disclose the cause.

After two years of erratic command, Mr. Ben Bella was ousted by his defense minister, Houari Boumediene, and spent nearly 15 years under house arrest before a long self-exile in Switzerland.

Tall and charismatic, with a powerful physique developed from his youthful infatuation with soccer, Mr. Ben Bella made an energetic return to Algeria in 1990 as leader of an opposition party he started while abroad.

His own aspirations for a comeback were crushed in the 1991 election. But he urged reconciliation during the civil war that erupted after the ruling National Liberation Front (FLN) party canceled elections to prevent Islamists from coming to power.

Although long sidelined from power, Mr. Ben Bella retained clout. He was a devout Muslim, a founding father of the FLN and a rousing voice against imperialism dating from his years as an insurrection leader against the French colonists who had ruled Algeria for more than a century.

A combat veteran of the French army in World War II, he returned home increasingly radicalized by the humiliations suffered by Algerian Muslims under the colonial system. He became attracted to nationalism, guerilla warfare and socialist politics in the 1950s.

After escaping from prison for his role in a robbery, he fled to Cairo and founded the FLN. He enjoyed the protection of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, a Pan-Arab nationalist.

Mr. Ben Bella became the chief conduit for Egyptian arms flowing into Algeria. “Every Algerian is a potential guerilla if he could get a gun,” he said at the time. He said he could accept arms from anyone who would offer them, “even the Devil himself.”

In 1956, Mr. Ben Bella and four associates were flying from Morocco to Tunisia when the plane made a forced landing in Algiers and he was taken into custody. Mr. Ben Bella spent the next six years in French prisons as the Battle for Algiers was becoming bloody and protracted.

On March 18, 1962, French and Algerian leaders settled on a cease-fire that also led to Mr. Ben Bella’s release.

Back in Algeria, the economy was unraveling as Europeans fled the country. There were fractures in the provisional government and the military, and a leadership struggle broke out.

William B. Quandt, a professor of politics at the University of Virginia and author of “Revolution and Political Leadership: Algeria, 1954-1968,” called Mr. Ben Bella a “compromise” candidate among the various factions. He had the “prestige” of being in prison, and his populist touch gained him support during the post-in­de­pendence surge in nationalist fervor.

He was elected premier in late 1962 and then president the next year. He sidelined moderates and declared his intention to follow a Marxist economic path that included agrarian cooperatives.

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EU campaign video is ‘racist, sexist and imperialistic’

Wednesday, March 7th, 2012

An EU campaign video designed to promote Europe has been accused of being racist, sexist and imperialistic, after showing a Western woman being attacked by Asian and African warriors.

The short film, entitled “Growing Together”, was intended to encourage new countries to join the EU by representing strength in numbers.

Instead, viewers have raised concerns filmmakers have portrayed an offensively stereotypical view of international relations.

The advert, which is under two minutes long, features an attractive woman wearing a yellow jumpsuit, who is confronted by three aggressive warriors wielding weapons.

The men, purportedly representing parts of Asia and Africa, are each wearing traditional dress and appear to threaten the woman with violence.

One, who appears to be levitating, holds a sword, another uses martial to intimidate and a third man with dreadlocks kicks down a door.

In response the woman, who represents Europe, simply closes her eyes and miraculously duplicates herself to form a circle around the men.

Once they realise they are outnumber, they all sit down to negotiate peacefully.

The extraordinary video, which has already been view nearly 4,000 times, ends with the phrase: “’The more we are, the stronger we are.”

One viewer described the film as “arrogant, distasteful and supremacist” while some even questioned whether it was a spoof.

One, calling himself SydneySteve85, posted a message under the advert saying: “No wonder the euro and the EU are collapsing. Instead of fixing the financial crisis they’re spending money on racist propaganda videos.”

Another, called willemsmit, said: “I haven’t found any clue that this is official. But it is how Europe is operating at the moment.

“Bashing everything that comes from Asia, ignoring and trying to devaluate (sic) the BRICS, waging wars against locals in almost the whole Middle East’.

A third, called Mrjkilcoyne, wrote: ‘White woman defends against Black, Asian and Indian men… racist much?

“Not to mention UK taxpayers’ money should not be used to promote an agency to which the public is so diametrically opposed.”

Rahtidboydem added: “The China man with his wodaaaahh wing chung fu noises, the levitating sultan with his oversized turban, and the dread locked angry black man who cant open a door like anyone else… cant see much offensive about that.”

The EU currently has 27 member states and a population close to 500 million people.

It has a policy of encouraging other countries to join and states on its website: “A gradual and carefully managed enlargement process creates a win-win situation for all countries concerned.”

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