Posts Tagged ‘European Union’

On streets of Athens, racist attacks increase

Friday, November 16th, 2012

ATHENS, Greece (AP) — The attack came seemingly out of nowhere. As the 28-year-old Bangladeshi man dug around trash bins one recent afternoon for scrap metal, two women and a man set upon him with a knife. He screamed as he fell. Rushed to the hospital, he was treated for a gash to the back of his thigh.

Police are investigating the assault as yet another in a rising wave of extreme-right rage against foreigners as Greece sinks further into economic misery. The details vary, but the cold brutality of each attack is the same: Dark-skinned migrants confronted by thugs, attacked with knives and broken bottles, wooden bats and iron rods.

Rights groups warn of an explosion in racist violence over the past year, with a notable surge since national elections in May and June that saw dramatic gains by the far-right Golden Dawn party. The severity of the attacks has increased too, they say. What started as simple fist beatings has now escalated to assaults with metal bars, bats and knives. Another new element: ferocious dogs used to terrorize the victims.

“Violence is getting wilder and wilder and we still have the same pattern of attacks … committed by groups of people in quite an organized way,” said Kostis Papaioannou, former head of the Greek National Commission for Human Rights.

As Greece’s financial crisis drags on for a third year, living standards for the average Greek have plummeted. A quarter of the labor force is out of work, with more than 50 percent of young people unemployed. An increasing number of Greeks can’t afford basic necessities and healthcare. Robberies and burglaries are never out of the news for long.

With Greece a major entry point for hundreds of thousands of illegal migrants seeking a better life in the European Union, foreigners have become a convenient scapegoat.

Some victims turn up at clinics run by charities, recounting experiences of near lynching. Others are afraid to give doctors the details of what happened — and even more afraid of going to the police. The more seriously hurt end up in hospitals, white bandages around their heads or plaster casts around broken limbs.

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Estonia fends off Russian accusations of ‘Nazi glorification’

Friday, July 20th, 2012

Russia said that the gathering last weekend in Saaremaa was “aimed at glorification of former SS-men and local collaborationists”. According to Moscow, the event could be interpreted in “no other way than intentional propagation of pro-Nazi attitude in Estonian society”.

In a statement, a spokesperson of the Russian Foreign Ministry also called the gathering “undisguised jeering at the memory of those who saved the world from ‘brown plague’ at the expense of their own lives.”

Estonian Defence Minister Urmas Reinsalu denied in a written statement to EurActiv that the event was a glorification of fascism. A European Commission official said the EU executive would study the situation before reacting.

Russia, which lost 20 million people in World War II, is particularly sensitive to attempts to present all war veterans in the same category. Moscow also keeps Estonia, a former Soviet republic, under close watch (see background).

Russia seems particularly that the Reinsalu delivered a speech at the veterans’ event.

“His expression of gratitude to fascism vassals for ‘saving the honour of Estonian people’ is evidence of ‘mythopoetry’ of the official Tallinn in relation to World War II events,” the Russian spokesperson stated.

Russian media report that among those present were the veterans of the 20th Waffen SS division and other Estonians who fought on the Nazi side in WWII against Soviet occupation of the country.

The Estonian Anti-Fascist Committee, an NGO, accused Reinsalu of “demonstrating to the whole world that Nazi ideology can be justified and those who followed Hitler’s orders can become national heroes”.

Europe turning a blind eye?

“The reason for such negligence to the norms of law and morals is based on only one thing – the higher echelons of power in the European Union are turning a blind eye to neo-Nazi sentiments and refuse to pay attention to the falsification of history and the making of Nazi criminals in Europe into heroes,” the Anti-Fascist Committee stated, quoted by the Russian TV channel RT.

Asked by EurActiv to comment on the accusations, Reinsalu said in a written answer that the Estonian Parliament recognised “the merits of those who fought in the name of Estonia’s independence”.

On the other hand, he insisted that the Parliament had “unequivocally” condemned the crimes against humanity perpetrated during the Soviet and National Socialist German occupations, “regardless of the citizenship of the perpetrator or where the crimes were carried out”.

The minister further wrote that “the gathering of the Association of Estonian Freedom Fighters held in Saaremaa last week was a civic initiative event to commemorate those who fought for Estonia’s freedom as well as the victims of the occupation regimes. Accusations that depict events held to commemorate the victims of totalitarian regimes as manifestations of neo-Nazism are erroneous and deeply offensive.”

He insisted that his country consistently condemned the crimes of all the totalitarian regimes that occupied Estonia – Nazism and Stalinism – and denounced “all attempts to distort this message”.

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A look at the main Greek party leaders

Sunday, June 17th, 2012

The 67-year-old head of the hardline Communist party has ruled out cooperation with any other party, wants Greece to leave the EU and eurozone and unilaterally write off all its debts. Formed in 1918, the party is Greece’s oldest. Papariga became the first woman to lead a Greek party in 1991. The party won 8.5 percent of the vote on May 6.

- Nikolaos Michaloliakos – Golden Dawn

Extreme rightist Golden Dawn is the one party nobody is likely to court in coalition talks: its favored “Blood and Honor” chant is the Hitler Youth’s motto, its emblems eerily resemble Nazi insignia and its officials have praised Adolf Hitler. But the group led by Nikolaos Michaloliakos, 55, rejects the neo-Nazi label – a party official has sued the Mayor of Thessaloniki over that – stressing its nationalist credentials. The party stormed into Parliament for the first time last month amid a wave of anti-immigrant sentiment, gaining 7 percent of the vote and 21 of the 300 seats. Golden Dawn supporters have been repeatedly accused of violent attacks on immigrants. The party gained additional notoriety this month when its official spokesman repeatedly slapped a female Communist official twice his age during a live TV debate, hid for two days to escape arrest and then sued his victim for alleged verbal provocation. Golden Dawn is anti-bailout. It wants to “liberate and incorporate with the motherland” parts of neighboring Albania and limit voting and land ownership rights to “those who are Greek by birth and conscience.”

- Fotis Kouvelis – Democratic Left

He heads the mildest of the three main left-wing parties running for election and is seen as a potential kingmaker in any coalition government. After the May 6 election, Kouvelis insisted that he would not join in any coalition that excluded Syriza – his former party – despite being reportedly offered the position of prime minister. He has since said he will do whatever is needed to help form a government. Kouvelis served as justice minister for three months in 1989. The 63-year-old lawyer split from Syriza in 2010 to form a more clearly pro-European party that unhesitatingly backs Greece’s EU and eurozone membership. The party received 6.1 percent of the vote last month.

Read more here: http://www.miamiherald.com/2012/06/16/2852411_p2/a-look-at-the-main-greek-party.html#storylink=cpy

 

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European Experiment Has Dubious Results

Friday, May 11th, 2012

In the space of two weeks, three European governments have fallen, sending seismic shock-waves across the continent and calling into question the experiment that has consumed its elites for decades: the construction of a centralized, socialist superstate known as “Europe.”

It may just be that the foundering of the coalition government in the Netherlands, the repudiation of Nicholas Sarkozy in France and the plunging fortunes of the two main Greek parties represents more than a rejection of austerity measures dictated by Brussels at the behest of the Germans.

rutte.jpg
Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte exits the royal palace after submitting his government’s resignation to Queen Beatrix on April 23.
(Getty Images)

To paraphrase Winston Churchill, these political developments are probably not going to end the creeping, sovereignty-crushing European venture or even mark the beginning of its demise. But they may just constitute the end of the beginning of the end of “Europe” as a single, transnational political enterprise.

To be sure, French voters elected socialist Francois Hollande, who favors the European Union and reflexively supports the vision of its founders that has seen it evolve from a trade pact to a community to proto-political union. Still, his electorate, like the Greeks and Dutch, wants no part of the EU’s main project at the moment — fiscal discipline and budgetary austerity.

The trouble is that such rebuffs threaten the wholesale unraveling of various financial houses of cards constructed in recent months by Germany’s Angela Merkel with help from her very-much-junior partner, France’s Sarkozy.

They have been aimed at giving the appearance of managing the yawning economic crises confronting EU members far beyond Greece — including Spain, Italy, Portugal, Ireland and, yes, France.

But as publics across the continent balk at taking the unpalatable medicine ordered up by Berlin and refuse to give up their unaffordable social services, short work weeks and long vacations, there seems little hope that the patient will recover.

Unfortunately, several other worrying factors are adding to the economic turmoil afflicting Europe at the moment. These include the following:

  • In many nations of the European Union, the chickens are coming home to roost as what has been in some nations a decades-long bid to offset declining birthrates among the native population by importing immigrant laborers transforms the host countries. Sarkozy’s fate was ultimately sealed by the decision of supporters of Marine Le Pen‘s anti-immigration National Front party not to vote for him in the second round of the French presidential election. Similar sentiments saw Greece’s fascist-sympathizing Golden Dawn party garnering roughly 7 percent of the polling this weekend at the expense of mainstream conservative and leftist parties.
  • Closely tied to concerns about the numbers of immigrants in one European country after another is the sense that many of them are Muslims who seek to impose the Islamic supremacist doctrine known as shariah where they now reside. As authors like Bat Ye’or, Mark Steyn and Bruce Bawer have observed, the trends are in the direction of such populations exerting disproportionate influence politically and establishing no-go zones and other privileged status. Such developments fuel a sense of inequity and outrage on the part of the natives.
  • Rising hostility towards “the other” in some parts of Europe is also bringing to the fore once again widespread anti-semitism. Jews are discouraged from wearing their religious garb in public as attacks on them and their synagogues have become more and more frequent and violent. Many are fleeing their native lands and those staying behind are becoming fearful — for good reason — to a degree they have not experienced since World War II.

For all these reasons, Europe may soon be in for another of the horrific cataclysms that have plagued it for nearly all of recorded history. In fact, we have become so accustomed to the tranquility and prosperity the continent has known for the past half-century that most of us forget that such conditions are very much the exception there, rather than the rule.

It is unclear how a new round of disorder or even war might be precipitated in Europe. And the mere threat of such a prospect may — as it has in the past — prompt a redoubled effort to shore up the European Union and its faltering common currency, the Euro. The forces being unleashed at the moment, however, may prove resistant to such exhortations to perpetuate what is increasingly perceived to be a punitive and anti-democratic enterprise.

Needless to say, if Europe once again descends into the vortex of economic privation, religious and/or ethnic “cleansing” and possibly strife that has happened so often there, our own tranquility and prosperitywill be jeopardized, as well. We must, however, resist the temptation to try to prop up the European Union as the solution to such prospects and invest, instead, in efforts to work with national governments there to make them more responsible, accountable and disciplined — something the project known as “Europe” has not been to date and can, as a practical matter, never be.

At the very least, we cannot expect that what emerges from the wreckage of profligate spending and subordination of sovereignty that is Europe will provide the reliable partners and robust militaries that we are told will permit us safely to reduce our own capabilities and burden-share with our allies.

If history is any guide, it is as likely that we will wind up fighting in Europe again — perhaps catalyzed by an ever-more-bellicose Russia once again formally led by Vladimir Putin — as that we will benefit from substantially greater help from that quarter.

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Rise of Greek far right worries political mainstream, feeding on discontent ahead of elections

Monday, April 30th, 2012

Reeling from a vicious financial crisis that has cost them pensions and jobs, Greeks have been turning away in droves from the mainstream politicians they feel have let them down. Another political force is trying to tap the void, with blunt promises to “clean up” the country.

It’s one that could see Europe’s most extreme far right deputies take up seats in Greece‘s Parliament in crucial May 6 elections.

Black-clad Golden Dawn members have been storming across the campaign trail across Greece, stopping to chat at cafes and shops, handing out fliers promising security in crime-ridden neighborhoods — and vowing to kick out immigrants.

Greece’s borders, they say, must be sealed with land mines to stop illegal crossing into a country that became the entry point for 90 percent of the European Union’s illegal migrants. Authorities estimate there are about 1 million migrants living in this country of 11 million.

Appealing to populist sentiment, Golden Dawn has been gathering donations of food and clothing to deliver to the needy while pledging to make politicians accountable for the crisis. Ordinary Greeks are struggling under tough conditions demanded for rescue loan deals that have pushed the country into a fifth year of recession.

“Golden Dawn stands against this corrupt system of power. All those who are responsible for the waste of public money must go to jail. That is our priority,” said Ilias Kasidiaris, a 31-year-old party member who served in the Greek army‘s special forces.

Around him, the party offices in downtown Athens were a hive of activity, with newcomers dropping in and the membership list growing by the day. In the back, T-shirts and caps are for sale marked with the party logo, taken from the ancient Greek meander, a motif resembling the swastika and often seen on ancient mosaics, carvings and wall paintings.

Firmly on the fringe of the right since it first appeared 20 years ago, Golden Dawn garnered a meager 0.23 percent in the 2009 elections. Now, it looks set to easily win more than the 3 percent threshold needed to enter Parliament, with recent opinion polls showing support at about 5 percent.

The party has a barely veiled sinister side, and has been blamed for vicious attacks on immigrants. Members skirt questions about violence, saying they have no knowledge of such incidents.

“We don’t do anything, we protect the Greeks,” said Epaminondas Anyfantis, a mild-mannered, 59-year-old candidate who looks the antithesis of many of the young, muscled and shaven-headed members. “Now, if in protecting the Greeks, a foreigner might get a slap or a kick or something, I think that’s in the framework of the protection of the Greeks. … Because unfortunately the Greeks at the moment have come to the point of asking Golden Dawn for protection.”

With parts of central Athens turning into ghetto-like neighborhoods where drug users inject openly and muggings and burglaries are regular events, many have lost confidence in the police.

Giorgos Vardzis, who lives in the small seaside town of Artemida, has taken down the numbers of Golden Dawn members in case of emergencies.

“Who else should I call, the police? … When you ask for help from the police because you’re being killed, you have to be killed first, and then the police will come,” he said.

Immigrants are increasingly concerned.

“We are worried very much,” said Javed Aslam, the head of the Pakistani community in Greece, during a recent anti-racist demonstration. “This is very bad. You can imagine one political party with weapons, with knives, they are going out in the roads, and this is politics? This is not politics!”

Led by Nikolas Mihaloliakos, who won a seat on the Athens city council in 2010 local elections and shocked Greeks by delivering a fascist salute in his first appearance there, Golden Dawn rejects the neo-Nazi label, pointing out that many of their fathers fought the Germans during the Nazi occupation of Greece.

“We are Greek nationalists. Nothing more and nothing less than that,” said Kasidiaris.

But they don’t hide their admiration for many of Hitler’s policies, saying he eliminated unemployment in Germany. Golden Dawn members often give fascist salutes at marches and rallies featuring nationalist slogans and burning torches, pictures of which adorn walls in party offices.

And they are tapping into a deep well of discontent with the parties that have dominated Greek politics for decades, conservative New Democracy and socialist PASOK.

“Our children have no jobs. They cut my husband’s pension,” said Evlambia Spantidaki, sitting on the porch of a friend’s house in Artemida. “For a while I voted New Democracy. I changed and voted for PASOK. But now nothing, none of them.”

This year, her vote will go to Golden Dawn.

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Greek party with neo-Nazi slant poised for seats in parliament

Saturday, April 28th, 2012

Much of the symbolism and political message of Golden Dawn puts the blame on migrants

ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION is a major issue in the Greek general election and if opinion polls are to be believed, a party with more than a whiff of neo-Nazism about it is poised to enter parliament for the first time after the May 6th vote.

Officially, immigrants amount to about 10 per cent of the Greek population – about a million people. However, in the absence of reliable statistics, many believe the figure is higher.

Loukas Tsoukalis, president of the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy, suggests it is closer to 15 per cent – that is more than 1.5 million people in a host population of 11 million.

The net effect, the ghettoisation of a large swathe of central Athens for instance and a popular desire to apportion blame for the crisis engulfing Greece, has provided fertile territory for Golden Dawn, a far-right organisation with a penchant for black shirts and neo-Nazi paraphernalia.

It was founded in 1993 by Nikolaos Michaloliakos (55), a far-right activist since elected to Athens Council. A fan of the junta that ruled Greece from 1967 to 1974, Michaloliakos has fond memories of meeting the deposed colonels while in jail, where he was twice – once for assaulting journalists and once for illegally carrying guns and explosives while also serving in the Greek army, from which he was then cashiered.

“The centre of Athens explains Golden Dawn,” says Tsoukalis. “Immigration is now out of control; they [people from Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran, Iraq and other parts of central Asia] keep on flowing in every day, through the islands and across the border with Turkey.

“So, after the election, we will have, for the first time in 38 years, the extreme right in parliament which will not be a pleasant thing . . . It is going to be an awful parliament, a zoo. In a parliament of 300, you [will] have up to 60 who are screaming.”

There is no screaming in the offices of Golden Dawn, located on the edge of the heavily immigrant area of northwest Athens. A huge banner hanging over the second-floor balcony announces, in deep red and black, the party’s presence. The party’s symbol, a variation of the ancient Greek meandros, the decorative meandering line often used as a border, is also on display. It evokes comparison with the swastika, the Nazi symbol.

Several young men in their 30s hanging around the pavement ignore me as I enter the building. Inside the narrow hall, there are half a dozen motorcycle helmets but no bikes visible. There are Greek flags furled around poles and what looks like a home-made riot shield. The office, a large open-plan room, is crowded with about 15 people, all men bar two, and most, but not all, in their 20s or 30s.

There are three tables and chairs and activity that mirrors any constituency office during an election campaign, but the posters and books on display tell a different story.

Most of the books for sale have neo-Nazi symbols on their covers. Most are in Greek and are historical but they include one titled White Power. Another sports on its cover Josef Goebbels, Hitler’s minister for propaganda; still another has a picture of Field Marshall Erwin Rommel, commander of the German- Italian Afrikakorps in the second World War.

Party T-shirts and baseball-style caps are on sale. So too are CDs by Der Stümer (German for The Striker), a Greek heavy metal band, whose members are all in Golden Dawn and who take their name from the most virulently anti-Jewish newspaper published in Germany between 1924 and 1945.

Did the Holocaust happen, I ask Costas Alexandrakis (33), the mild-mannered, smiling activist who runs the office and says his day job is home schooling maths teaching. The reply is, well, meandering . . .

“We want to see history taught not in the politically correct way,” he begins. “David Irvine [the British writer and Holocaust denier] is a good historian but after the second World War, the victors wrote history. We want to see history in all its views . . .”

Yes, but did the Holocaust happen?

“Look, for the Holocaust right now in Europe, even if I say the Holocaust didn’t happen, I will go to jail. That’s not democracy, that’s not how history should be taught.”

But did it happen? “Look,” he adds, “many Jews died in the second World War in concentration camps but the whole thing is about the numbers. You want me to count them?”

What does Golden Dawn want for Greece?   “We want Greece for the Greek people,” he says. “Greece no longer belongs to Greeks but to bankers and immigrants. Greek people that live in the centre of Athens are afraid to walk after seven [at night]. They [immigrants] kill and rape, they steal. Look around, soon other areas will fall.”

So what is to happen? “They must go home, to Afghanistan, to Pakistan, Libya, Algeria – I don’t know. When I see a Greek child, a little Greek child, I don’t care where they [the immigrants] go; I just want him out.”

Alexandrakis does not believe in democracy, as most people seem to understand it. “The politicians lie and steal from me and my people. I don’t believe in this democracy. Real democracy is telling the truth.” Nor does he believe in capitalism.

“I feel socialist but not Marxist,” he says. “I don’t believe in syndicalism [a system of economic theory involving trade union collectivism and state economic corporatism that found adherents in 1930s Italy, France and Spain] or in fascism. I believe in co-operation, in one union for all workers.

“I am a nationalist, I am a socialist but I am not German so I am not a national socialist.”

Golden Dawn and Alexandrakis’s solution to the current crisis is for Greece to remain in the European Union and the euro.

“Leaving is not feasible now but we must make Greek people work – go back to industry and agriculture and make our economy ourselves, not with tourism.”

Golden Dawn says it has about 10,000 members – “and more every day,” says Alexandrakis. When opinion polls ceased on April 20th, it was standing consistently above 5 per cent – enough comfortably to win a dozen seats or more.

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Angry EU voters, citizens rebel against austerity

Wednesday, April 25th, 2012

For more than a year, European Union officials have called for austerity, austerity and more austerity as a means to solve Europe’s debt crisis. Now people who don’t want to pay the price are taking their fight from the streets to the ballot box.

Governments have fallen, more are at risk and in some places, a stark streak of nationalism is on the rise that could swing Europe ever deeper into a fortress mentality.

At stake is the future of the continent, where countries rich and poor are struggling with mountains of debt and moribund economies — a toxic combination that often seems to require contradictory remedies of belt-tightening and economic stimulus.

Increasingly, the long focus on austerity is convincing Europeans that the German-led mantra of fiscal responsibility is creating a vicious circle of more misery leading to lower growth — leading to even greater debt distress.

“What is happening in Europe is the austerity drive is actually slowing down the necessary rebalancing of European economies,” said Simon Tilford, chief economist at the Center for European Reform.

Austerity measures aimed at balancing national budgets have led to drastic spending cuts by governments across the continent, including layoffs and pay cuts for government workers, slashing of key services including welfare and development programs, as well as tax hikes to boost government revenues.

Many in Europe have had enough of this harsh medicine.

In France, President Nicolas Sarkozy, one of the architects of the EU’s response to the financial crisis, is in danger of being turned out of office in next month’s runoff with Francois Hollande — a Socialist who is promising not to cut, but to increase public spending by €20 billion ($26.3 billion) by 2017.

Hollande is also promising to re-negotiate a much-vaunted budgetary pact among 25 EU countries meant to enforce national fiscal discipline.

Greece votes in elections next month in which fringe parties hostile to international bailouts requiring steep austerity are expected to make big gains — possibly endangering efforts by the current technocratic government to rein in the nation’s debt.

And the Netherlands’ 18-month-old conservative coalition resigned this week after it failed to agree on cutting its own budget deficit to meet the EU limits it had demanded so fiercely of other countries.

Beyond that, in the Czech Republic, almost 100,000 people rallied in Prague’s downtown Wenceslas Square last weekend to protest government reforms and cuts, calling on the government to resign in one of the biggest demonstrations since the fall of communism. And earlier this year, tens of thousands of Romanians bitter about savage public-sector wage cuts took to the streets and the government collapsed.

Analysts say it’s no surprise that people are fed up.

“I don’t think there are any examples of countries accepting endless austerity and downward standards of living,” Tilford said. “There has to be light at the end of the tunnel.”

Voters may have good reasons to reject unrelenting cuts. But in their desire to avoid pain, they may also be prompting politicians to put off decisions that Europe must take to remain competitive globally.

Many experts say government protections for workers need to be loosened — for example, by making it easier for employers to hire and fire workers — in order to halt the flight of jobs from Europe to regions deemed more business-friendly.

And the anger appears to be driving voters to the extremes. In the first round of the French presidential election last weekend, nearly one voter in five cast their ballot for the National Front, a hard-right party previously known primarily for its anti-immigraton platform.

That, along with the 11 percent showing by far-left candidate Jean-Luc Melenchon, shows a high level of anger, said Piotr Kaczynski, a research fellow at the Brussels-based Center for European Studies.

“The big winners of the French elections are the extreme parties — extreme right and extreme left,” which together won more than 30 percent of the vote, Kaczynski said.

The rise of the fringes is not limited to France. In Greece, the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn party is marching ahead in the polls — and may win a dozen or so seats in parliament.

And it was a right-wing politician stridently critical of Islam who brought down the government of Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte this week. Geert Wilders, whose support was critical to Rutte’s minority government, decided to withdraw his support over the government’s budget-cutting plans.

“With the Rutte government’s resignation, the pro-cyclical austerity course in Europe has once again proven to be the biggest disposal program for governments in recent history,” Germany’s Financial Times Deutschland commented in an editorial Tuesday.

German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble criticized Wilders’ actions in acid tones.

“We have always known that, if one votes for radical right-wing euro-skeptic parties and xenophobes, one makes democracy not more stable but more unstable,” Schaeuble said. “That can be seen now in Holland. So my advice is, don’t vote that way.”

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Switzerland Criticized for New Immigrant Curbs

Sunday, April 22nd, 2012

Switzerland drew strong criticism from European officials on Wednesday after it said it would reimpose quotas on workers from central and eastern Europe, cutting the number of permits granted annually by two thirds.

“This measure is neither economically justified by the labor market situation nor by the number of EU citizens seeking residence in Switzerland,” Catherine Ashton, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, said, in a strongly worded criticism of the move.

Switzerland, which has kept unemployment at a low 3 percent despite recent economic turbulence, has seen a big influx in immigrant workers from the EU in recent years.

The Swiss cabinet said it had decided to invoke a “safeguard clause” in its agreement with the EU on the free movement of people, reimposing quotas that were abolished a year ago for citizens from central and eastern Europe.

The government said the 1.1 million EU citizens in the country of 7.9 million boosted the economy, but the rate of immigration was raising concerns over issues of integration and compliance with minimum wage and working conditions.

The right-wing Swiss People’s Party has blamed immigration for pushing up rents, overcrowding on public transport and erosion of cultural values. The party is seeking to amend the constitution to set annual quotas on permits granted to foreigners.

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Turkey confronts past with coup leader trial

Thursday, April 5th, 2012

ISTANBUL Turkey confronted a flashpoint of its divisive past on Wednesday when a court opened the trial of two elderly leaders of a 1980 military coup, yet the legal system that they implemented still steers the country despite advances toward full democracy.

The retired generals, Kenan Evren and Tahsin Sahinkaya, did not attend because they are ill, but the colorful scene outside the courthouse, where demonstrators from across the political spectrum held flags or portraits of people who died in the coup, reflected a nation’s emotional trauma, surfacing a generation after tanks rolled into city streets.

“I was a 19-year-old with ideals for this country,” Hasan Kaplan, a leftist who alleged he was tortured by the military, said on state television. “But we all know that there is a high price for having ideals in this country. I have been cleared of all charges ranging from murder to staging bomb attacks.”

The trial is a showcase for Turkey, a rising power in the region and a leading critic of Syria’s crackdown on its opposition, in its efforts to modernize, and bury military influence in politics once and for all. Turkey, whose candidacy for the European Union has stalled, is struggling to shed authoritarian habits embodied by the military-era constitution.

In a 2010 referendum, the government secured amendments to the 1982 constitution, which restricted freedoms and formalized the military’s role in politics. But building consensus for a new code is slow amid disputes among political factions in Muslim-majority Turkey, whose electoral and economic records are nevertheless of envy in an unstable region.

President Abdullah Gul captured the redemptive mood when he declared an end to the era of military coups, saying the case “would lead to a very important change of mentality that no such attempts will occur in the future of Turkey.”

But he acknowledged: “The country is still run under the constitution of an era that we criticize.”

Wednesday was a day for imagery and memories, not calculations over Turkey’s legal future. Television stations showed old black-and-white video of troops in steel helmets guarding lines of suspects, hands on heads. They showed footage of Evren when he was military chief of staff, sitting before a clutch of microphones and reading a statement about who was in charge of Turkey.

He was initially regarded as a hero by many Turks because the military takeover stopped deadly fighting between political extremists that pitched neighborhoods of major cities into virtual anarchy. Even today, many schools, gymnasiums and conference centers still carry his name, though there is a campaign to replace it with more palatable Turkish icons.

But Evren was accused of condoning the chaos in the years before the Sept. 12, 1980 coup and using it as an excuse for the military to step in and restore order. He shut down Parliament, suspended the constitution, imprisoned civilian leaders and disbanded political parties, then quit the military but became president until 1989.

Some 650,000 people were detained in the upheaval and 230,000 people were prosecuted in military courts, according to official figures. Some 300 people died in prison, including 171 who died as a result of torture. There were 49 executions, including that of 17-year-old Erdal Eren, whose hanging for allegedly killing a soldier horrified Turks.

“We did not forget, we did not forgive,” read one protest banner outside the courthouse. A man brought a blindfold that he said he was forced to wear during torture.

Evren is well remembered for his public explanation for sending dozens of militants to the gallows: “Should we feed those terrorists instead of hanging them?”

Evren, 94, and Sahinkaya, 86, who was chief of the air force at the time, are the only two surviving members of the coup junta. They have been charged with crimes against the state and face possible life imprisonment, though their ill health raises questions about whether such a sentence could be imposed.

On Wednesday, the court postponed the reading of the indictment, which must be read in the presence of the defendants. It asked for an official medical report on the health of Evren and Sahinkaya.

Bulent Acar, a lawyer for Evren, quoted his family as saying the former president fell and broke his arm at a military hospital in Ankara where he was admitted in early March. He is reportedly suffering from heart and respiratory problems as well as diabetes, high blood pressure and stomach disorders.

Sahinkaya has long been treated at a military hospital in Istanbul for Parkinson’s disease.

The government and Parliament, as well as several political parties, have said they will seek the court’s permission to join the trial as plaintiffs along with hundreds of non-governmental organizations and citizens. The prosecution was made possible after the constitutional amendments in 2010 lifted the defendants’ immunity.

Hundreds of people, including many active and retired officers, are standing trial separately in more recent alleged coup plots. The trials were welcomed by the public at first, but long imprisonments without verdicts and alleged irregularities by prosecutors have stirred claims that the government might be manipulating the legal process.

Kivanc Eliacik, 30, is the international secretary of the Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions of Turkey, an umbrella group banned for 12 years after the 1980 coup. He said he grew up with the coup’s legacy in law and education, and described Evren’s trial as “nonsense” because it doesn’t address democratic deficits in Turkey, including limitations on workers’ rights to strike.

“The coup d’etat wasn’t just one day,” Eliacik said. “It was a system, a process. We are still living in this process.”

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Anti-Semitism takes the stage in Hungary

Monday, April 2nd, 2012

First went the director, then the prima donna.

A political tug-of-war over an historic theater in the Hungarian capital has reignited concerns about growing anti-Semitism in this Eastern European nation.

Budapest’s picturesque New Theater has long been a popular mainstay among the local cultured and urbane, who tend to be disproportionately liberal and include many of the local Jewish community. But recently, a series of firings and resignations have left the popular theater in the hands of avowed anti-Semites, sparking protests and political violence.

The deterioration of the storied theater highlights an emerging trend of rising neo-Nazi sentiment in parts of Eastern Europe of neo-Nazi sentiment. Cloaked in nationalism, the ideology has gained new traction amid Europe’s economic crisis, which far-right politicians have sought to blame on Jews and other ethnic minorities such as the Roma. Those ideas are particularly disturbing to many here, in a country where the second highest number of Jews in Europe were murdered during World War II, and from where the highest number of Roma were transported to Nazi death camps.

Since the beginning of the year, Jews — along with other national minorities — have once again been excluded from the Hungarian constitution‘s definition of the “Hungarian people.” New research from Central European University shows that the number of Hungarians with anti-Semitic views has risen from 14 percent to 24 percent since 2006.

“Ever since the [euro zone debt] crisis in 2009, they’ve been asking, who’s responsible for the crisis? Banks and bankers. And who are they? Jews,” said Robert Frohlich, the chief rabbi at Budapest’s central Dohany Street Synagogue.

Frohlich was referring to Jobbik, a vocal, neo-fascist political party that he says blames Hungary’s Jewish community in messages that are both “encoded and direct.” Jobbik is the most popular far-right party in Europe today. It is opposed to big banks and the European Union, and has gained popularity with vehement attacks on the country’s Roma minority. About one-quarter of Hungarian voters currently support Jobbik, making it the second most popular party in Hungary.


The party has been growing in the polls ever since Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz won office two years ago. Fidesz, which has a two-thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament, has changed the political climate in the country, perhaps irrevocably. It passed the new constitution emphasizing Hungarian ethnic identity. Meanwhile, the conservative party has fought with the International Monetary Fund and the European Union over political changes perceived as anti-democratic elsewhere on the continent. And it has failed to improve the Hungarian economic situation, which remains dire — fostering the growth of Jobbik, some opponents assert.

At the New Theater, though, former and current employees and some theater patrons say that the shift toward anti-Semitism has been a combination of the subtle and overt messages from the conservative parties.

For a decade, Istvan Marta, a 60-year old Hungarian composer, ran the New Theater, staging adaptations of Western European classics, from Shakespeare to Schiller.

But earlier this year, he was forced to step down after his contract wasn’t renewed in November by the Budapest City Council, which is dominated by the ruling party, Fidesz. The city council, as the owner of the theater, has been required since the end of the communist era to choose directors for its theaters for four-year tenures. In the past, whenever a director proved to be successful at the job, the contract extension has been automatic.


New applicants for the job were usually only considered if the theater was either in deep debt or if the council was dissatisfied with the artistic performance of the theater.

In Marta’s case neither of the scenarios occurred — the theater was doing well, both financially and artistically.

Even so, a well-known former politician and playwright, Istvan Csurka, was initially appointed artistic director at the theater last November. Csurka was ardently pro-Jobbik.

But Csurka never took up his job at the New Theater. He was forced to retract his nomination after he wrote a rant against Hungarian-American financier George Soros saying that Soros’ projects in Hungary “only serve to keep a well defined section of the Jewish community in power.”

Without a contract extension, Marta then stepped down in February, even though an independent panel set up to assess the situation recommended to the mayor that he stay.

Budapest’s mayor replaced him with Gyorgy Dorner, a dramatist notorious for his anti-Semitic views and an outspoken campaigner for Jobbik. The appointment has sparked outrage in the arts scene, and among the Jewish community and other left-leaning Hungarians.

ts for comment. But last month, he told the daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung,”I won’t let the New Theater become a stage for far right or anti-Semitic forces in Hungary.”

At the New Theater, the change has been marked. Actors, theatergoers and sponsors have since walked away from the once popular theater — as well as its popular prima donna, Lia Pokorni.

“Leaving Budapest’s New Theater was a strong setback for me but I just couldn’t stay,” said Pokorni, who is of Jewish heritage. “[I] could not work with a director who is so strongly associated with radical right-wing theories and emotions.”

Since January, a number of theater personnel have lost their jobs, as the new management – in agreement with the owner, the Budapest City Council did not extend their contracts. Several of those let go are of Jewish origin while others refuse to disclose their religious or ethnic background.

Others left because they believed they would be targeted next, staff insiders say. One, who asked that that his name not be published because of ongoing contract negotiations, said he worries about his job because he believes that his religion now plays a role in the new director’s employment decisions.

This employee said that Dorner told him that from now on, the theater would only employ people who “fear and believe in God.”


“It was never really a question of whether I believed in God or not,” the man said of the exchange. “Rather, I think he just wanted to hint at my Jewish origins, which I did not want to discuss at all.”

The changes have also sparked political violence.

Clashes outside the theater in early February pitted neo-Nazis against liberal demonstrators in which dozens were injured. Hungary’s far right, which overwhelmingly supports the theater’s new management, has fought against the growing anti-government protest movement in the central European country — and Budapest’s cultural scene — since the beginning of the year.

“I have no doubt about the type of plays the new director will put on the stage,” said Katalin Nemeth, a pensioner who has been a season ticketholder at the New Theater for years, but has not bought a ticket this month.

Dorner, who once was the voice of Bruce Willis and Eddy Murphy in many Hungarian movies, calls himself a “radical nationalist,” and says he wants foreign influences off the stage.

“I want to see Hungarian plays being brought onto the stage for Hungarian crowds to cheer,” Dorner said in an interview with a local paper.

He has publicly said his vision for the New Theater involves “cutting in on the leftist and Jewish dominated populated theater scene.”

Dorner also plans to stage a play by Csurka, the man initially appointed to run the theater’s artistic program, who has since died. The play, “The Sixth Coffin,” deals with Trianon, the treaty agreed after World War One that left Hungary with just one-third of its former territory.

It is a subject that infuriates Hungary’s neighbors, Slovakia, Romania, the Ukraine and Serbia because they fear Hungarian territorial expansion due to the large Hungarian minorities still living in their countries.

But Dorner has few qualms about raising the subject or doing more to provoke. Recently, he promised to rename the theater “Hatorszag” (Hinterland), a concept, critics say, invokes Hungarian claims on its neighbors’ territory. Budapest’s mayor vetoed the suggestion, but the idea lingers.

Dorner also fired the theater’s lead actor Balazs Galko. While Galko had been silent on political issues, he has been a regular at anti-government demonstrations. These days, Galko recounts how, after he was fired, he was told rather amiably by Dorner that he should not expect to get a job in the Budapest cultural scene in the future.

Dorner’s actions outraged Galko, he says. In January, Dorner took to the stage at a demonstration held by Jobbik, and stood next to the party’s leader, Gabor Vona, as party members torched a European Union flag.

“This is our message to the European Union if it does indeed want to colonize us: [EU Commission President Manual] Barroso thinks we are idiots, and he treats us like that too — and we won’t take it,” Vona said at the event.

“It made me feel uneasy when I saw Dorner was present at the burning of the European flag,” said Galko. “And I wanted to keep my job but I could not just overlook these disturbing changes.”

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