Posts Tagged ‘Fuhrer’

Hitler-Brand Wines and Europe’s Debate Over the Limits of Free Speech

Tuesday, August 28th, 2012

wines aug27 p.jpg

The Fuhrer is causing a furor. Italian winemaker Vini Lunardelli‘s breathtakingly tasteless line of Nazi-themed wines has offended again, with two American tourists understandably peeved about discovering some bottles adorned with Adolf Hitler’s image in a shop in Veneto province. The Italian-produced wines bear dozens of different labels displaying, with no hint of irony, such names as “Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer!” (a Nazi slogan meaning “One people, one empire, one ruler”), “Der Prosecco Vom Führer,” and, simply, “FÜHRERWEIN.” Another line bears the images and slogans of Benito Mussolini and his fascist regime.

The American tourists, incensed (one of them noted that her father lived through Auschwitz), protested to Italian authorities and to the local, and then international, media. “We would think of it as neo-Nazism,” one told the U.K. Telegraph. “It makes you wonder about the sympathies of the local people.” You don’t have to be Jewish or the child of a Holocaust survivor to find the wine labels appalling and odious, but it doesn’t hurt. Local prosecutors say they’ve opened a formal inquiry, and a cabinet-level Italian minister issued a statement to “reassure our American friends” and to condemn the wines for “compromising the image of Italy abroad.”
Italian officials might be expressing shock, but the Vini Lunardelli wines have been offending for almost two decades, and this is not their first international incident. There’s no doubt that Führerwine is offensive, and it’s difficult to know the vintner’s motivations for sure. But it might reflect less “neo-Nazi sympathies” and more a crass willingness to exploit shock value and Europe’s particular sensitivities to the fascist legacy — not to mention the international media attention that comes with infuriating foreign governments — to make a few bucks. And it seems to be effective.

Lunardelli launched their “Historical Series” in 1993, printing labels bearing “personages of Italian and world political history.” The first Führer vintage was introduced in 1995, becoming “a great marketing success,” the winemaker later told Decanter. In 1997, the German government began lodging official complaints. Germany takes the Nazi legacy very, very seriously: neo-Nazi parties are illegal, Hitler’s autobiography Mein Kampf has been officially banned for decades, and the German Parliament almost blocked approval for a relatively straightforward genetic testing law, apparently over the echoes of Nazi eugenics programs. By 2003, Germany’s battle against Lunardelli had so escalated that the German justice minister wrote a formal letter to her Italian counterpart asking for Italy consider shutting down the “contemptible and tasteless” wines. The German state of Bavaria, the closest to Italy, opened an investigation as to whether any bottles had crossed the border.
Nothing came of it at first. Then, in early 2007, some German tourists ended up buying some number of the wines while in Italy. It’s not clear how their purchases became public, but it re-sparked the old controversy. In September, Italian police finally moved against the wines,confiscating bottles for their “glorification of the perpetrators of crimes against humanity.” The public prosecutor, according to Lunardelli, accused the winemakers of being Nazi apologists. Like in Germany, Italian law forbids the glorification of the 1930s fascist regime that helped spark World War Two, which cost tens of millions of lives. But, one month after police had seized the wines, an Italian judge ruled that they were OK to sell; the second time that Lunardelli had been exonerated of promoting fascism.
It’s a sign of Germany’s sensitivity to anything remotely hinting of Nazi sympathies that the government would not only formally investigate whether a bottle of Führerwein might have entered the country, but publicly request that the Italian government intervene to stop production. It’s also an interesting contrast to Italy’s own laws, which while similar in intent to Germany’s, appear to be laxer in restricting speech, at least when it comes to these wine labels.

I don’t have an answer as to whether or not the wines promote Naziism and fascism, but it’s worth noting that this doesn’t seem to have been Lunardelli’s intent. “We would not have produced them unless there was a demand,” the winemaker told Decanter in 2007. “In fact the Hitler labels were not our idea, they were specifically requested by customers in Germany and Austria. … When they saw the labels with Il Duce and Che Guevara, they suggested a series with Hitler.” The company’s website proudly boasts the line, not as a victory in Aryan soft power, but as a marketing triumph. “Thanks to this invention, the wine company Alessandro Lunardelli has obtained a lot of attention from the media all over the world both for the originality of the idea and for the quality of the wines.” They say that line, which has 50 different labels, now makes up half of their sales.

In any case, some of the labels carry images of Stalin, Marx, and Che Guevara, not savory figures by any means but sworn enemies of Hitler and fascism, suggesting that the line is indeed less about glorifying any singular ideology than about shock value and the free marketing that comes with, for example, stories like this one.
The wines are interesting test case for Europe’s decades-old speech restrictions against glorifying the nightmarish regimes of the 1930s and 1940s, meant both to guard against the rise of all-too-real neo-Nazi or neo-fascist parties and to maintain the carefully instituted national histories that hold these ideologies as a horrid mistake. It seems unlikely, as the Italian courts may have concluded in allowing continued Lunardelli production, that slapping Hitler’s face on a cabernet label is going to increase popular support for a return of the Third Reich.
Still, Neo-Nazism and the ethnic nationalism behind it remain real, if marginal, forces in Europe. Treating Hitler and his Nazi slogans as kitsch, as fodder for a bit of silly shock value, would seem to risk divesting these images of the horror and shame that two generations of Germans and Italians have ingrained to remind themselves of one of history’s greatest crimes. Buying a bottle of Der Prosecco Vom Führer might just be a bit of harmless fun, but maybe, from the German perspective, that’s exactly the problem.
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Running Out of Time

Friday, August 3rd, 2012

he war of conquest Hitler had ignited in 1939 effectively ended upon the successful D-Day landings in northern France. Instead, the war became an all-out struggle to stave off the invasion of Germany and prevent the collapse of the eleven-year-old Nazi Reich.

The German military machine that had once frightened the whole world was now unraveling under the weight of an attack across three major fronts. In the East, Hitler’s troops were withering in the face of an unstoppable Russian juggernaut. In the South, Rome had finally been liberated. In the West, more than a million Allied soldiers were now poised to smash through German defensive lines.

At this point, the great problem for Hitler as Supreme Commander of the German Armed Forces was a dwindling supply of manpower. The German armaments industry could still produce tanks and planes in the hundreds, but there were not enough trained men available to operate them.

Worse for Hitler, in the skies above Germany, a virtual fourth front had been created upon the demise of the German Air Force. The Luftwaffe, which had once terrorized Europe and England, had largely expended itself over Russia and nearly run out of pilots. The result was total air supremacy for Hitler’s enemies on all fronts along with the emergence of something completely new in the history of warfare – the thousand bomber air raid. Day and night, American and British bomber planes ranged deep into Nazi Germany targeting weapons factories and civilians alike, with the same ferocity German pilots had shown in raiding a dozen countries beginning in 1939.

For the German people, one of the worst bombing attacks occurred in July 1943, when a tornado-like firestorm erupted in Hamburg during a week of successive American and British carpet bombings. A German casualty report described the scene: “Children were torn from the hands of their parents by the tornado and whirled into the flames. People who thought they had saved themselves collapsed in a few minutes in the overwhelmingly destructive force of the heat. People who were fleeing had to make their way through the dead and the dying. The sick and frail had to be left behind by the rescuers since they themselves were in danger of burning. And each one of these nights of fire and flames was followed by a day which revealed the horror in the pale and unreal light of a smoke-covered sky. And these days were followed by new nights with new horrors, even more smoke and soot, heat and dust, with still more death and destruction. The streets were covered with hundreds of corpses. Mothers with their children, men, old people, burnt, charred, unscathed and clothed, naked and pale like wax dummies in a shop window, they lay in every position, quiet and peaceful, or tense with their death throes written in the expressions on their faces.”

Over 40,000 persons were killed in the Hamburg firestorm while three quarters of the city was destroyed. Such scenes were repeated in several other cities including Berlin, Munich, Frankfurt, Nuremberg, Cologne and Dresden. In addition to the human toll, centuries of art and culture vanished as thousand-year-old cathedrals and cherished historical monuments were instantly turned to rubble.

Although German civilians displayed a brave face at first, much as the British had done during the Blitz, the increasing severity was wearing them down nevertheless, as there was absolutely no end in sight. In the eyes of the people, the once exalted image of Adolf Hitler was beginning to erode amid the ceaseless air raids, gloomy war news from all fronts, increasing deprivations and shortages on the home front, and the ever-mounting death toll of loved ones in uniform. People who used to enthusiastically greet each other by saying “Heil Hitler,” were now inclined to avoid eye contact and say nothing at all.

For his part, Hitler chose to isolate himself from the realities of war and from the suffering of his people. By now he had stopped making speeches and was rarely seen in public, preferring to spend his time secluded at his Wolf’s Lair military headquarters in northeastern Germany or at his mountaintop villa at Berchtesgaden, along the German-Austrian border. He could not bring himself to tour cities wrecked by bombing or visit field hospitals. On one occasion, when his special Führer train momentarily stopped alongside a trainload of wounded, exhausted men returning from the Russian Front, Hitler promptly ordered his window shades pulled down.

Only among his old Nazi Party comrades did Hitler still feel comfortable. For them, his mystique had not diminished and they felt sure the military situation would be reversed, at some point down the road, by the Führer. They remembered that in the past, especially during their rise to power, Hitler had demonstrated the ability to grasp victory from thin air, time and time again, like some kind of wondrous magician.

The problem for Hitler, however, was that a growing number of his senior military commanders had lost faith in him. And these practical-minded, battle-hardened leaders had come to believe they were the last hope to save the German people from death and destruction on a nearly unimaginable scale. By the summer of 1944, it had become obvious that Germany was involved in a hopeless military struggle. And there was every indication Hitler was prepared to sacrifice countless German military and civilian lives to sustain it indefinitely for no good reason.

After the Hitler-led debacles in North Africa and Normandy, Field Marshal Erwin Rommel, perhaps the most famous military personality in the world, and a man beloved by the German people, decided to lend his enormous prestige to a newly hatched military conspiracy that would save Germany from catastrophe by ousting Hitler from power and establishing a non-Nazi replacement government.

It was not the first time that Army leaders had considered ending the rule of Hitler. There had been a dozen or so conspiracies dating back to 1936 when Hitler’s recklessness first became apparent. But all had failed, either due to Hitler’s odd luck in avoiding the setup, or because of his stunning success through the early war years which discouraged the plotters from ever taking action.

But now they were determined to do it. General Henning von Tresckow, Chief of Staff of Second Army on the Russian Front, summed it up: “The assassination must be attempted at any cost. Even should it fail, the attempt to seize power in the capital must be undertaken. We must prove to the world and to future generations that the men of the German Resistance Movement dared to take the decisive step and hazard their lives upon it.”

Killing Hitler would not be easy. By now, the Führer had become noticeably cautious and quite cagey. When taking a meal in the presence of his generals, two grim-looking SS bodyguards stood directly behind him and test-tasted his food for poison. He came and went unexpectedly, ignoring set schedules, or abruptly changed travel timetables at the last minute.

July 15, 1944, five days before the bombing–Hitler greets a visitor at his Wolf’s Lair headquarters. On the far left stands Colonel Claus von Stauffenberg. Below Left: Major-General Henning von Tresckow of the Eastern Front who provided moral backbone to the conspirators. Below Right: Lt.-General Friedrich Olbricht who functioned as Stauffenberg’s chief co-conspirator in Berlin.

As it turned out, there was just one place where Hitler maintained a semblance of a predictable schedule and regularly lingered – his midday military conference held every day either at his Wolf’s Lair headquarters or at his Berchtesgaden residence. It was now apparent to the plotters this would be their best chance. The method they chose was a unique time-delayed bomb that used a silent chemical reaction to trigger the plastic explosive rather than a conventional clock-style timer.

The man destined to plant the bomb was Colonel Klaus von Stauffenberg, a highly decorated young officer from a prestigious family. He had been wounded by a land mine in North Africa in April 1943, losing his left eye, right hand and two fingers of his left hand. Prior to North Africa, he had served in Poland, France and Russia, where he witnessed firsthand evidence of Hitler’s terror methods. Inspired to join the plot by what he saw, Stauffenberg emerged as its central figure upon his appointment as Chief of Staff to the commander of the Home Army, based in Berlin. This provided regular access to Hitler’s military conferences, since replacement troops were now being drawn from Berlin for the Russian Front.

Stauffenberg’s Home Army authority also provided the potential to spur the downfall of Nazism, starting with Berlin. There already existed a plan for an emergency military occupation of Berlin, known as Operation Valkyrie. It was created at Hitler’s own request, intended as the means to put down potential mass unrest, such as a revolt by slave laborers, since there were now millions of foreign laborers living in Germany including Berlin.

Stauffenberg’s idea was to assassinate Hitler, then hijack Valkyrie as the means of putting down Nazism. Troops and tanks would roll into Berlin according to the pre-existing Valkyrie plans, only to be told that Hitler was dead and therefore the Army was now in supreme command of the German Nation, pending the announcement of a new post-Hitler government.

An absolutely critical component of the coup scenario was that Stauffenberg and fellow conspirators had to win over any lukewarm Army officers in Berlin and force any remaining Hitler loyalists in the Army to either yield to their authority or be arrested on the spot. Once achieved, they would rapidly dismember the entire Nazi apparatus in Berlin at gunpoint, including the SS and Gestapo administrations. At the same time, the coup would spread to the Western Front, beginning with Paris, where a similar scene would play out involving the arrest of SS and Gestapo personnel by Army officers allied with Stauffenberg. And, if everything succeeded up to this point, the conspirators would make a direct appeal to the Western Allies for armistice negotiations on behalf of the new government and request an immediate end to the aerial bombing raids on German cities. Such were the ambitious plans concocted by Stauffenberg and fellow officers.

As things turned out, on the designated day, Thursday, July 20, 1944, hardly anything went according to plan. That morning, Stauffenberg reported as ordered to Wolf’s Lair and tripped the ten-minute chemical fuse. He entered the Führer’s conference room about 12:30 p.m., carrying the bomb inside his leather briefcase. He was positioned next to Hitler for the conference due to his war wounds, and resulting bad hearing. He put the briefcase by his feet under the conference table then slipped out of the room a few minutes later. But shortly after his departure, the briefcase was innocently moved out of the way by another officer so that it wound up about six feet from Hitler, on the far side of a solid oak trestle that supported the bulky table. When the bomb exploded at 12:42 p.m., its new placement shielded Hitler and he survived with apparently minor injuries.

Stauffenberg observed the blast from afar and felt sure Hitler was dead. He bluffed his way out of the Wolf’s Lair compound, boarded a waiting airplane, then took off for the three-hour journey to Berlin, confident Operation Valkyrie was underway as planned. However, much to his surprise, when he arrived in Berlin he discovered the coup had stalled due to conflicting reports concerning Hitler’s fate. Some said dead – others alive. Nobody knew what to think. Therefore all of Stauffenberg’s co-conspirators in Berlin had chosen to do nothing except await his arrival, thereby losing precious hours in the meantime. Appalled by their inaction, Stauffenberg set out to become a one-man coup, hoping to inspire everyone else to get moving, all the while insisting Hitler was indeed dead.

A view of the destroyed conference room just a few hours after the explosion. Below: Hitler and Mussolini survey the bomb damage.

But not only was the Führer alive, he even managed to keep an afternoon appointment with Benito Mussolini who arrived by train at Wolf’s Lair for a scheduled visit. Hitler gave him a detailed rundown concerning the bombing and took him directly into the wrecked conference room, even showing Mussolini the pair of bomb-tattered trousers he had been wearing at the time of the blast.

Hitler boasted that his survival was stunning proof “that Fate has selected me for my mission. Otherwise I wouldn’t be alive.” As for those responsible, “Traitors in the bosom of their own people deserve the most ignominious of deaths – and they shall have it!”

By mid-afternoon of July 20th, Stauffenberg was already a wanted man.

Shortly after the bombing, SS-Reichsführer Himmler had rushed to Wolf’s Lair and joined those around Hitler trying to fathom who might be responsible. Stauffenberg’s placement of the briefcase under the table was recalled, along with his hurried exit back to Berlin upon the bomb’s detonation.

Meanwhile, Stauffenberg and fellow conspirators in Berlin pressed forward, despite everything. Operation Valkyrie finally commenced, although it was now three hours behind schedule. Army troops in Berlin dutifully began to seal off designated blocks of the government quarters.

But confusion remained over Hitler’s status and this made it difficult to sway lukewarm officers and clamp down on the Hitler loyalists. One Army officer in particular, Major Otto Remer, a former Hitler Youth Leader, became increasingly suspicious. He wound up in the office of Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels around 7 p.m., with orders from the conspirators to arrest Goebbels. But the quick-thinking Propaganda Minister calmly assured Remer the Führer was very much alive. Remer said he needed to hear it from Hitler himself. So Goebbels telephoned Hitler, who spoke to Remer, convincing him to restore order on his behalf, by brutal means if necessary. And for good measure, Hitler promoted Remer to full colonel.

This marked the beginning of the end for Stauffenberg and the conspirators. Remer immediately set up a command post right there inside the Propaganda Ministry building and began barking orders on the telephone in the name of the Führer. As instructed by Hitler, he took personal command of all military units in Berlin. As a result, Operation Valkyrie soon ground to a halt. Worse for the conspirators, at 9 p.m., a special radio announcement said the Führer himself would soon broadcast a statement to the nation.

The final scene that day played out two hours later when eight young Army officers, now determined to demonstrate their loyalty to Hitler, turned on the conspirators inside the Army headquarters building where they were based. Armed with machine-guns and pistols, they confronted the conspirators, shooting Stauffenberg in the left arm as he turned to flee. They chased him down and shortly thereafter Stauffenberg and chief co-conspirator, General Friedrich Olbricht, were in their custody.

At this point, an interesting bit of treachery unfolded as Stauffenberg’s superior, General Friedrich Fromm, who had briefly sided with the conspirators earlier in the day, until he determined Hitler was alive, craftily played the part of a Hitler loyalist to deflect any suspicion. He offered the now-confined conspirators a chance to write a last letter and exited the room. He came back about five minutes later and announced that a court martial in the name of the Führer had just pronounced death sentences on Stauffenberg, Olbricht, and their two adjutants.

For Stauffenberg, the end came around midnight in the courtyard outside Army headquarters. As Fromm’s firing squad took aim, Stauffenberg yelled, “Lang lebe unser heiliges Deutschland!” (Long live our sacred Germany!). He was then shot dead along with Olbricht and their adjutants.

Around this time SS-Reichsführer Himmler arrived in Berlin with orders from Hitler to take complete charge. This marked the start of an SS-led terror campaign not unlike the Röhm purge seen ten years earlier.

Surprisingly, Hitler at first thought the coup was the work of a small group of Army traitors. He even stated this in his radio statement regarding the bombing as if to reassure himself and the German people that the overall Army leadership was still solidly behind him. But within days, the 400 Gestapo agents and SS officers assigned by Himmler to untangle the plot, obtained evidence indicating a breathtaking scope. And each new revelation only served to increase Hitler’s wrath. Particularly brutal was Hitler’s decision to target family members of key participants, which led Himmler to publicly threaten he would “exterminate” the extended Stauffenberg family.

Standing beneath the swastika flag and a bust of Hitler, Roland Freisler, President of the People’s Court, pronounces judgment on a group of defendants during one of several show trials held after the bombing. Below: Close-up of a stooped Hitler visiting the bedside of Admiral Karl Puttkamer who was injured in the bomb blast.

A further measure was the trial held in the People’s Court beginning on August 7th, presided over by a fanatical Nazi named Roland Freisler. With an amazingly loud, sarcastic-sounding voice, he bellowed insults at the first set of defendants standing before him as Goebbels’ film cameras recorded every moment. He called Field Marshal Erwin von Witzleben, dragged into court unshaven and wearing ill-fitting civilian clothes, a “dirty old man” for clutching his beltless pants to hold them up.

Freisler had express orders from Hitler to prohibit any courtroom speeches by the defendants. However, a cousin of Stauffenberg named Count Peter Yorck von Wartenburg, got in a few words. Grilled by Freisler as to why he never joined the Nazi Party, he responded: “What is important, what brings together all these questions is the totalitarian claim of the State on the individual which forces him to renounce his moral and religious obligations to God.” To which Freisler shouted “Nonsense!” and cut him off from any further remarks.

All eight defendants at this first trial were found guilty of treason against the Führer. The punishment as proscribed by Hitler himself was that they were to be “hanged like cattle.” And so they were transported to Plötzensee prison and brought into an execution room which had eight meat hooks attached to the ceiling. Instead of rope, piano wire was used so they would die slowly. The ghoulish execution scene played out in front of a film camera. That very night Hitler is claimed to have watched the film footage with great interest.

Germany would never be the same. The country’s remaining anti-Hitler elite – intellectuals, aristocrats, members of the clergy, and political moderates – some five thousand persons in all, were rounded up. This included the web of conspirators, along with anyone suspected of aiding or sympathizing with them, and people of conscience whose viewpoints were known. The list included many who had hoped to form the nucleus of a post-Hitler government, such as the former ambassadors to Rome and Moscow, and lesser known resistors such as Pastor Dietrich Bonhoeffer.

Several of the highest ranking military men, including Field Marshal von Kluge, Commander in Chief West, General Stuelpnagel, military governor of France, and General Tresckow, chose suicide before the Gestapo could get to them. On the brink of death, Tresckow declared: “Everybody will now turn upon us and cover us with abuse. But my conviction remains unshaken – we have done the right thing. Hitler is not only the archenemy of Germany – he is the archenemy of the world.”

Ten years earlier, Hitler had used the Röhm purge to break the Stormtrooper (SA) leadership when it became a threat to him. Now, he broke the Army leadership, forever undermining the might and power of the once-venerable German General Staff organization, founded in the 1800s. He set up a military Court of Honor to expel hundreds of suspected officers from the Army so they would be handed over as humiliated civilians to the People’s Court for quick Nazi justice. When Field Marshal Rommel was implicated, Hitler gave him a choice, as relayed by two generals who showed up at Rommel’s home. Take poison and receive a state funeral with full military honors, with a guarantee his family would not be harmed, or wind up in the People’s Court. Rommel explained it to his wife and 15-year-old son, said farewell, then drove off with the generals and took the poison when the car stopped a few miles away. Condolences, including one from Hitler, were immediately sent to his wife.

To shore up the surviving officer corps, so it could better serve him, Hitler appointed the unshakable and loyal Heinz Guderian, a brilliant Panzer commander, as the new Chief of the Army General Staff. Guderian quickly denounced the “cowardice and weakness” of those who had plotted against Hitler and commanded: “Every General Staff officer must be a National Socialist officer-leader…by actively cooperating in the political indoctrination of younger commanders in accordance with the tenants of the Führer.” Symbolically, at this point, the traditional Army hand-to-forehead salute was scrapped in favor of the stiff-armed Nazi salute.

And so it seemed, as he had done so many times in the past, Hitler had turned near-disaster to victory for himself. The failed coup and sweeping purge actually propelled Hitler to the zenith of his personal power over the military and people of Nazi Germany.

But there was a big problem now – his health was declining.

Hitler was never the same after the bomb blast of July 20th. At first, everyone around him optimistically thought he had only suffered minor injuries. But by the next day, various symptoms indicated some deeper problems. The bomb had exploded about six feet to his right. As a result, Hitler began to experience a persistent earache, which steadily worsened, in his right ear and temporarily lost all hearing in that ear. It turned out he had a ruptured eardrum. Additionally, his eyes developed an odd flicker and constantly drifted to the right. His ear and eye troubles affected his balance and he staggered like a man who had been drinking, needing to carefully focus on each step as he walked.

Presently there were four doctors hovering around the Führer and they provided a wild concoction of injections, pills and inhalers for all of his symptoms. The drugs in turn caused their own symptoms, such as severe stomach cramps, for which additional drugs were administered, resulting in an ever-increasing toxic stew of medications. On top of this, the insomnia which had plagued Hitler in recent years now became severe and he sometimes went days with little or no sleep. All of this had a dulling effect on his mind and his once-extraordinary memory and amazing recall of detail were no longer evident. At times, the exhausted Führer needed prompting as to the name of the person he was speaking with.

Personality changes were also evident after July 20th. The now-embittered Führer became impossible to reason with, as General Guderian himself recalled: “He believed no one anymore. It had been difficult enough dealing with him. It now became a torture that grew steadily worse from month to month. He frequently lost all self control and his language grew increasingly violent.”

Each passing month brought Nazi Germany nearer to the end. However, for Adolf Hitler, though worn down, there was one thing that had not diminished at all – his will power. Even at this late stage, he remained driven by the same indomitable will that had propelled him into politics in the first place, a quarter-century ago.

Meanwhile, there were still those who believed Hitler, the magician, would stun everyone and somehow turn the whole military situation around. Not surprisingly, this is exactly what Hitler tried to do. As the winter of 1944 set in, he decided to gamble for victory again, this time against the upstart Americans, in what became known as the Battle of the Bulge.

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The Creative Word

Saturday, May 19th, 2012

The word is apparently the original element of human thought, and therefore of human genius. Today as well, it exercises its inescapable power on everyone whose intelligence has not been overcome by cynicism.

Applicability to truth and falsehood is characteristic of the word; man alone decides which use he will make of it.

The average man, and more certainly the masses, succumbs almost infallibly to the power of the word, unconcerned with its inherent truth. The inherent truth in words is not enough to combat spoken lies, but rather only a new word which can be set against the old. In order for this new word to be believed, the people and masses must hear and understand it. It must come to them and speak their language; its power must be greater than that of the old.

If the arts and the sciences are somehow separated by their mysterious languages that define the borders of each and their jurisdictions, the art of life, politics, works more than ever with the means of creative language in order to win the masses and hold them firmly within the boundaries of a definite conception and worldview. Creative language will occasionally make wide departures from the natural and aesthetic. That has no harmful effect on the masses, whom we must today consider a political reality, even if it does violence at times to the German language. One generally has to be careful when applying the so-called aesthetic yardstick to politics, as it gives no hint of possible outcomes.

 

As long as Western civilization relied on secret cabinet politics, the polished language of diplomacy served as a sharp and pointed Toledo sword to politics. To cynics, it was the art of saying the opposite of what one thought. In the mouth of an expert, it was a way of protecting oneself from the aims and influences of by the enemy. When the French Revolution opened the age of mass struggle, the gentlemanly games and limited risks of cabinet politics were replaced by all-out struggling movements of masses and nations. The fine old language of diplomacy yielded to the new, blunt, and violent language of political mass propaganda. Political language became a public affair.

Freedom, equality, brotherhood, capitalism, socialism, communism, profit, surplus value, output, international economy, Soviet Germany, nationalism, blood, land, race, self sufficiency, Third Reich — each of these is its own slogan, encompassing the inferences and doctrines of worldview.

They assault the enemy, hammer at him, raise doubt, fear, resistance, and agreement.

Adherents see in them a positive promise of a brighter future, and find in them a spiritual, faith-restoring rescue from blind, purely psychological daily struggles.

Today, the political “layman” faces a puzzling mass of words, a flood of unfamiliar concepts, a mysterious, ordered, deafeningly strong and one-sided view of life that works through the word to recruit and organize.

The major ideological parties make use of the technical aspects of language in their organizational structures. What is a ‘Truf,” a “Staf,” the “Osaf,” an “Uschla?” They are no longer mere abbreviation in a telegraph code (Truppführer, Standartenführer, Oberster S.A. Führer, Untersuchungs- und Schlictungsausschuss), but rather these are new words that have become colloquialisms, a jargon, in the National Socialist Party. Although these words may not be found in the creative works of Luther, Goethe, or Nietzsche, many will remain in our vocabulary. Today, at any event, they exercise their effect in spite of theoretical philology.

Every German is familiar with Hitler’s S.A. In the popular mind, it simply means the brown shirts, “the Hitlers.” The Führer himself answers the question, “What does S.A. mean?” with three definitions: Saalschutzabteilung [meeting hall guards]Sportabteilung [sports group]; and Sturmabteilung [storm troopers]. This explanation conceals a sense of uncertainty. The S.A. is a myth that cannot be captured in a few words; it can only be felt and experienced. The experience of a generation is summarized in this concept. The brief hard rhythm of this word has become something holy to millions.

The number of such words is legion. Each is propaganda by its very existence, each a form of intellectual bondage. Their very names require agreement or opposition, excite storms of the will, determine our actions.

Philologists and artists will accuse such newly created words of not being an organic part of the language, but rather artificial constructions. That is true of many such expressions. No one, however, will be able to root many of them out from the soul of people. They have become a familiar element of popular speech. The word S.A. is an example. One should on theoretical grounds question the right to existence of any expression which has not achieved popularity, acceptance, and organic union with the language. The right is a question of life. Life has previously created and justified such words in the sciences, arts, and economic and technical occupations. It now does so in politics as well.

There are also constructions that are intentionally designed to be effective and to produce suggestion through their unfamiliarity and which therefore remain strange to popular instinct. An example of such a construction is the communist word “agitprop.” There are “agitprop men,” “agitprop troops,” and “agitprop leaders,” the apostles of Bolshevist revolution under the red star. The word comes from agitation and propaganda.

The letters G.P.U. are just as strange. They are the initials of Gossundarstwennoje Polititschkoje Uprawlenje, the Soviet secret police. We call them the Cheka. They have systematically eliminated all other viewpoints in the country by systematic terror. These letters have become a symbol to the entire world of bloody terror and sinister underground power.

Creative language in political propaganda uses phrases and slogans to establish control. This is not new. The campaign slogans of a movement are and always have been the best propaganda. Anyone who had played a political role in the world was either a master of the word and of creative language, or else fought side by side with men accomplished in these arts.

Christianity conquered the world with its slogan “love thy neighbor as thyself.” The German people did not lose a war against the entire world because of the weakness of their weapons and soldiers, but rather because of the bureaucratic sterility of their leading officials. They were beaten not on the field of battle, but on the field of words. Their soul was crushed. They were never given a slogan to carry into the great struggle, while the enemy carried “against the Huns,” “for democracy,” and “for the League of Nations” onto the field. In politics, the fruitful and creative will always triumph over the unfruitful, the bureaucrats, the mere diplomats. Fichte’s observation that neither the power of the army nor the quality of the weapons decides a battle, but rather the power that leads the spirit to victory is also applicable to the political, military, and economic struggles of our day.

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Each National Socialist is an untiring propagandist of our fanatic faith in victory!

Sunday, May 13th, 2012

Faith is the strongest force behind success. Even when our party was fighting for power our great and decisive successes were more the result of an unshakable faith in Adolf Hitler and his goal than in a positive knowledge of his will and his path. When we suffered a serious blow in support for the movement on 6 November 1932, and sank from 230 seats in the Reichstag to 196, many asked us: “How can you win now?” These were people who could see victory only in the cold light of facts and opportunities. These people were not persuaded by the idealistic strength of unshakable faith and a bitter, determined will. When we began the election campaign the tiny and apparently insignificant little state of Lippe on 15 January 1933, hardly anyone even in the fighting ranks of the movement realized that a success in this apparently distant corner would determine the fate of the entire country. The tremendous success of this election campaign was a victory of faith. From the beginning of his struggle, the Führer never for a moment doubted the final victory of his movement. The strength of his confident always gave him the power to decide, and a quiet confidence.

It is the same today. At home some worry about how we can win as we give up land in the East, face new and altered conditions in Italy, and endure air terror that two years ago we could not even have imagined. But the Führer stands, just as before, with quiet, thoughtful determination and activity, and guides our fate, unshaken in his confidence in final German victory. However difficult the challenges of the day may be, if we meet them with the determined strength of faithful hearts, steely wills, and iron determination, there can be no doubt about German victory.

That is the spirit that must shine from each party member. He must demonstrate this attitude, and his life must model it. They we will be able to say, with justice, that we are Adolf Hitler’s fighters.

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Over the graves

Sunday, May 6th, 2012

Cologne buried its dead eight days after the attack. They were buried together, just as they had died together. The whole city took leave of them in a powerful and moving ceremony. Formations of the party and its divisions, units of the military, the police, and other public services, accompanied them to the grave, along with thousands of citizens. In silent sorrow, family members, many of whom still bore the wounds of the British attack, stood before the long line of graves. A mother rested between two of her children. A third child who survived wept at the graves. Here two sisters were buried next to each other, there a whole family of four. Here, several siblings, there grandparents and a grandchild. And so it went — a long line of coffins.

A spirit of proud sorrow filled the cemetery. Deep pain filled everyone, but it was a pain that dwelt in strong hearts. The thoughts of the sorrowing wandered over the borders of their great fatherland to the wide spaces of the East, where sons, fathers and brothers stood against a pitiless enemy. There, too, death demanded the best of the people, and the flags that are lowered over open graves greet the dead on the battlefield too. Here as well as there, they fell in the battle against Germany’s enemies. These children, men and women also died for their Führer and their people, and all the living who stand in silent pain before these graves vow to be worthy of their sacrifice.

Mayor Dr. Peter Winkelnkemper spoke these words:

“Here the enemy showed with dreadful clarity that his goal is the annihilation of the German people for all times, but here springs forth after these sacrifices an even more determined will to victory that cannot be defeated, and will resist every blow from the enemy… The city of Cologne will never forget those who died for the Reich, and their eternal memory will strengthen us for victory. Their deaths demand of us that we work still harder and with greater determination, that we be ready to make any sacrifice, to remain worthy of their last devotion.”

From the pain and sadness of this funeral there came a powerful demonstration of the will to victory that overcomes need and death.

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Revenge blows

Saturday, May 5th, 2012

For three months, the Führer watched the criminal insanity of British air pirates. He gave the English people time to come to their senses and their catastrophic politicians time to see reason. But when finally the terror became ever more bold and their demands ever more impudent, the Führer gave the order to strike back. On 8 November 1940, the Führer said:

“You know that I have proposed to the world for years the cessation of bombing warfare, especially against civilian populations. Probably aware of what would come, England refused. Democracies are always clairvoyant. Well and good. Despite that, I have never waged war against civilians in this war. I allowed no night attacks on Polish cities. One cannot target precisely at night. I generally allowed attacks only during the day, and always against military targets. I did the same in Norway. I did the same in Holland, Belgium and France. Then it suddenly occurred to Mr. Churchill to attack the German civilian population at night. You know how patient I am. I watched for eight days. They dropped bombs on the people of the Rhine. They dropped bombs on the people of Westphalia. I watched for another fourteen days. I thought that the man was crazy. He was waging a war that could only destroy England. I waited over three months, but then one day I gave the order. I will take up the battle.”

After England’s first satellites fell, the British attempted, with the help of their notorious Secret Service, to bring about an explosion in the Balkan powder keg. Using the shortsightedness of a small clique in Belgrade, they succeeded in involving Yugoslavia and Greece in the war. But these peoples waited in vain for military assistance, as had all of England’s other allies. They, too, rapidly collapsed under the blows of the German military. Thus England lost its last positions on the Continent.

During all these months, Great Britain was able to do nothing else in its waging of the war than to stubbornly continue its air terror against German cities and villages. But the British air force was unable to carry on its program of annihilation, since it was struck by the ceaseless revenge blows of the German air force.

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Honor

Friday, May 4th, 2012

The other basic concepts of National Socialism flow from the fundamental task of seeing everything from the perspective of the eternal life of our people. The first concept to consider is that of honorA life without honor is a pseudo-life. This is no empty phrase, but rather a fact. We see this in the everyday life of the individual. A person can seem to live, but is nonetheless lost when he has lost his honor. A person without honor has lost not only the respect of his community, but also his rights within that community.

This law is just as hard in the lives of peoples. Germany experienced this in the years 1919 to 1933. Germany’s leaders did nothing to defend German honor, with the result that Germany was held in contempt by the whole world, which resulted in the loss of its rights. Those in Germany who went along did not think about it. The German people was plundered, and not even a single other people protested. Its sovereignty was taken from it. That was the result of the loss of its honor, resulting from the acceptance of the shameful Treaty of Versailles.

The Führer’s first step was aimed at Germany’s dishonoring. He created the National Socialist German Workers Party. It appeared for the first time with its program in February 1920.

Eliminating the shameful Treaty of Versailles was one of the most important goals of the party during the period of struggle. After 30 January 1933, it became part of Germany’s foreign policy.

The Führer also created the foundation for healthy thinking about questions of honor domestically. He eliminated the practice of giving special honor to individual professions and classes, and also the devaluing of the German worker. Today, all citizens are equal, regardless of which class they belong to. — The community defends the honor of each citizen. He who injures someone’s honor is punished.

But each individual defends Germany’s honor. Thus Germany today enjoys the respect the Führer fought for it to have.

The program of the NSDAP sprang from the will that Germany should not live only by appearance.Thus the first goal of the NSDAP’s battle was to reestablish the fundamental concept of the National Socialist worldview, “honor,” which is of equal significance both for the life of the individual and the life of the people

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Alles Gute zum Geburtstag!

Friday, April 20th, 2012

Picture

Happy Birthday Führer! :)

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Nazi in a tank: Pet fish looks a bowl lot like Hitler

Monday, April 16th, 2012

'Tache of evil: George looks like fuhrer

Meet George, the pet fish who looks a bowl lot like Adolf Hitler.

Following the recent examples of the Hitler house and feline fuehrer the five-year-old common goldfish has grown a ’tache of evil.

Owner Deborah Cochrane of Belfast insists the similarities don’t end there: “He is a vegetarian and he often has a fin raised,” she said.

But Fiona Macdonald, of the Fish Veterinary Society, has a rational explanation: “It is a black pigment formed as result of the fish’s body fighting an infection,” she said.

The dictator’s moustache is an easy

 

Kitler, a kitten small enough to fit in a cup with a remarkable resemblance to Hitler is looking for a home after being found abandoned at the side of a busy road
Feline fuhrer

 

SWNS

 

 

The Swansea house that looks like Hitler that has become a twitter sensation
Hitler house: Swansea home looks like Adolf

 

Wales News Service

 

 

The cherry tomato with the Adolf Hitler face
Rotten tomato: Cherry tom has Hitler face

 

Rex

Stink bug with markings on its back that look like Adolf Hitler's face
Stinker: Hitler’s face appears in this stink bug‘s markings

 

Rex

A cat that looks like Hitler
Stare: This cat has the ‘tache AND the hair

 

WENN

A cat that looks like Hitler
Thoughtful: Cat shows off his moustache

 

WENN

A cat that looks like Hitler

 

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The Transformation of the German Press in National Socialist Germany

Saturday, April 14th, 2012

The National Socialist seizure of power gave us the task of forming all of German life according to the spirit of National Socialism. The Führer’s difficult fourteen-year struggle gave us the character and methods we needed to meet the challenges. A look back on what had been accomplished in the three and a half years since the National Socialist revolution, with its many actions and decisions, shows us that only it allowed us to fulfill our goals, and that it alone is able to find solutions to the problems facing the German people. We need the compass that the Führer gives us through his model and teachings, and to pledge to follow and remain loyal to that which we learned during the struggle for power. The virtues we learned then led to National Socialism’s irresistible victory. Had we not had them, we would not have won power, and had we not maintained them, the power we gained would not have restored health and strength to the German people.

Our opponents during the struggle for power believed that they had a successful attack on us in claiming that the onrushing National Socialism had a party program that was limited to generalities, one that allowed no concrete positions on the problems of public and private life. Besides, the program was only designed to deceive the people, and National Socialism would ignore it once in power.

The Führer had already answered these charges in the party’s program: It obligated National Socialists to defend the programmatic goals even at the risk of their lives. Even in the earliest days we believed that the few general principles of the program were better suited to deal with the problems of everyday life than a well-developed theoretical structure. This idea has proven its correctness a thousand times over in the past three and a half years.

I am happy to say that in my areas of endeavor in the party and state, a few National Socialist principles have given me the sure foundation for the many difficult decisions I have made. I am also convinced that the German people and the world public, insofar as it is ready to evaluate the situation objectively, will agree that developments in the German press give daily proof of the correctness and value of our National Socialist principles.

A look back before our seizure of power reminds us how numerous the problems of the press once were. Our few newspapers with their limited circulations fought heroically in the front lines to gain power. They stood against several thousands newspapers that represented other ideas and interests. There were many differences between the leading newspapers back then, but there was one thing they all lacked when compared to the National Socialist press: they had lost their connection to the people. They were responsible not to the people, but to some other group, be it parties, churches, economic interests or corporations, or they looked to their own good without considering the general good of the people. Such a press promoted class struggle, the confusion of social standing, religious incitement or moral decay. They did not promote the good of the individual and the strengthening of the community, rather collapse and decay. These newspapers that appealed to people’s lowest instincts had lost their national and moral sense of responsibility, and had little influence.

Such a press could not be tolerated by National Socialism, whose task is the mobilization of all good and healthy strengths of the individual and the community, encouraging their expression and development. The German people is being rescued from a fragmentation of parties, classes, interests and special interests to enable them it to find its own nature and its own strengths once more. This requires that the whole of the German press serve German tasks. Our party’s press is always a model, for it developed only to serve the idea and thereby the people. The exhausting everyday work aims at reaching that end.

That makes clear the goal of the National Socialism in the area of the press. All that is necessary is to follow a very few National Socialist principles.

1. The good of the German people was the goal from the beginning. The party’s fight and our positions on individual issues were never ends in themselves, but rather they illuminated each aspect of our efforts in the light of the whole. We knew that the people were our highest treasure. We never wanted to impose an alien dictatorial system, but rather through the work of each individual National Socialist to win the confidence of the people. That is the prerequisite for leadership. Loyalty to the people and concern for their welfare is the foundation of the will and actions of National Socialism.

This led to my first task: the transformation of the German press into a true German people’s press, a press that eliminated harmful, selfish or foreign elements and served only the people and its welfare. That means that the reader is no longer the object of a press that is harmful or foreign to him. Rather the principle guiding the press is the good of the individual and the community. A government that has as its only task securing the future of the nation can create such a press, and only such a state. In it, the interests of the state, of the community and of the individual agree. What is it that the reader wants from his newspaper? It should acquaint him with daily events both large and small, letting him know how these affect his life and how he can help the whole community. The newspaper should bring him into contact with the community and the community into contact with him, putting him in the center of what is happening. Besides meeting the needs of the individual and the community, which is the highest goal of the press, it should also satisfy his need for relaxation.

The press has a role in the daily life of every citizen, man, women or maturing youth, that cannot be filled by anything else, and the state has the duty to ensure that it can fulfill its role. Any state that is not an end in itself has the duty to see that the only goal of the press is to serve the people. That is why the Führer supported a people’s press at the very beginning, and commented on the harmful effects of the press at the time in “Mein Kampf.” He declared that it was the duty of the state to stop any misuse of this instrument of public opinion.

2. The idea of the equality of all people stood in contrast to the National Socialist principle of the creative power of personality. The responsibility of the individual replaced the irresponsibility of the masses. The accomplishment principle replaced all other principles for evaluating people. We could therefore have no doubt that the principle of accomplishment also applied to the press, that it was the foundation of a press that served the people. It can be controlled only by people who have the necessary prerequisites of character and will for these important tasks.

As in every area of life, here too competition is important to the full development of abilities. Accomplishment and creativity are therefore the marks of the press in a National Socialist state. All governmental measures concerning the press must serve these principles.

This rules out monopoly control of the press by any single hand. Despite all predictions to the contrary, it is also clear that private ownership of the press, as long as it is consistent with National Socialist views, has been maintained. This is compelling proof for our faithfulness to our party program and the depth of our adherence to the correctness of its principles, since otherwise it would have been easy for us to establish a party-owned press monopoly. That certainly would have been pleasanter for the party press itself. But the party did not choose the comfortable way. In the past three and a half years its own press too has been subordinate to these principles. The party press faced competition and had to improve. It has gained its position as the politically leading press by its own efforts.

3. The affirmation of the creative power of personality and accomplishment in the press proves the falsity of our opponents’ claims about National Socialism plans and ideas. Supposedly the press would lose all lose all independence by state ownership and control of its content.

To the contrary, we have created the foundations for a truly independent press!

In the past, the so-called freedom of the press did not mean the press served the people, only that it was independent of the state. It was, however, left under the control of other powers and influences. The freedom of the press can only be secured when it is free from every kind of dependence. The first prerequisite is that only worthy and appropriate people are able to work in the press. The press must also have a sound economic foundation that removes any possibility of influencing it by financial means. Our principle of guaranteeing that the press is formed by the creative power of personality assures the freedom of its contents from outside influences, for such personalities would not work in the press if their abilities were restricted. We also know that a press that is the people’s best comrade in their daily struggles can develop only from the work of the newspaper itself. A relationship between reader and the newspaper requires a precise knowledge of the needs of the readership. Also, we have not interfered with, and will not interfere in the future, with the mature variety of the German press, unique in all the world. Such variety would be destroyed by central control of its contents. Of course, the way in which the important questions of a nation are discussed in public does require that the state protect the people from harm. A state that fails in its duty to protect the people from such damaging press activity has lost its right to exist, for the people, not the press is the measure of all things!

Thus the National Socialist state does influence the press with regard to the vital issues of the nation. The newspaper must serve the whole. In areas where only the state is able to judge what is necessary, it has priority. The press still depends entirely on the work of its members. That is not interfering in the press, but rather a way of increasing its value for the people and the nation by preventing the press from doing great harm. Germany would today not have regained its military freedom or the Rhine land, it would not have borders guarded by weapons and aircraft, it would have no super highways and major buildings, but it would have seven million more unemployed, if the value of such measures had been argued in the press. The result when the press is not subject to such restrictions is clear from Germany’s terrible fate after the World War.

My most important goal is to protect our press from outside influence. The seriousness with which the state takes the independence of the press is proven by its laws, for through the Reich Chamber of Culture Law and the Editor’s Law the press itself has the responsibility of fulfilling its mission. This is in contrast to all other countries in the world, where press control is exercised by the police.

Only the application of these principles can ensure that the press serves the good of the community. This is clear from the devastating example of the press before National Socialism, which never was concerned with that issue. The goal was never to protect the people, but to serve the press as an end in itself. It was of no interest if the press were bought by some force and used to harm the people. Nor did it care if the makers of the press had the ability to say something to the people that was in its interest. The talk of freedom of the press only made the individual defenseless against the misuse of the press.

All the measures National Socialism has implemented flow from these principles. These include the Reich Chamber of Culture Law, the regulations of the Reich Chamber of Culture, the Editor’s Law, and the Advertising Council of the German Economy. The Reich Chamber of Culture and the Editor’s Law view the press not as an end in itself, but as the work of creative personalities. They therefore involve everyone working in the press and give them appropriate guidelines. Finally, the legal prerequisites for implement the principle exist. Only those of ability and character may use the instrument of the press. These laws provide the basis for excluding all those elements who would misuse the press, and open the way for those with ability. Through these laws and regulations, we have done solid National Socialist work. Let me summarize the most important measures and their results.

1. All non-Aryans and those with non-Aryan relatives are prohibited from working in the press. The German press today is produced by Germans and is an expression of German culture and the German soul.

2. All special interests and organizations who oppose the unity of the nation, whether of economic or religious nature, as well as all their advocates and functionaries have been eliminated from the German press. The German press no longer is divided into segments that serve classes, churches and economic interests, but rather it serves the entirety of the German people. All those working in the press are obliged to serve only the common good of the German people.

3. We have also excluded all those from the German press who lacked the necessary abilities. This includes elements that used the press to split rather than unify, those to whom the people was not the highest value, who used religion to fragment the nation, who saw the press only as a business. We have ruthlessly removed them all. The whole German press today is worthy of its task.

4. We have made personal responsibility the foundation of the press, and eliminated such influences as those of anonymous capital or intermediaries for third parties.

5. Subventions or other support for the press, regardless of their form, are forbidden, and thus the possibility of corruption is ruled out.

On the other hand, we have done all in our power to provide a firm economic foundation for publishers. Among many other measures, the regulations on advertising from the Advertising Council of the German Economy serve this goal. Above all, we have reduced the total number of newspapers, which was the result of the former identification of parts of the press with various special interests. The result is that the economic health of the newspaper industry has increased, and promises good social and economic conditions in the future .

6. We have insisted that the press has intellectual and cultural public responsibilities for everyone, whether editor or publisher, and have eliminated any idea of the press as an end in itself. The economic functions too serve the intellectual goals of the press. We have removed all involvement in the press from those companies that had a purely economic interest. This guarantees that the press serves the people, not private interests that may harm them.

7. We have made known to those in the German press the importance of their tasks, which obliges them to work to the best of their abilities. It is now self-evident to all those working in the German press that their work is based on the foundation of truth, the protection of individual honor, regard for morality and national discipline.

8. Earlier the members of the press fought amongst themselves. We have formed a profession involving them all, regardless of function, and thus built the foundation for a professional outlook suited to the magnitude of their responsibilities.

The success of our measures is evident in the growth of the publishing firms as well as in the increase in the total circulation of the German press. Our enemies once predicted that the victory of National Socialist would mean the end of the German press. This prophecy has proved as false as all their others.

Before National Socialist legislation, the circulation of the press was uncertain. There was no law requiring accurate figures be given, and there were various ways of determining circulation. We defined the concept and required that accurate figures be given. There are about 17 million households in Germany. The circulation of the German daily press in the first quarter of 1936 was 19,700,000. That means that every German home receives a newspaper, without even considering magazines.

There are still some prophets, mostly among the emigrants, who cannot stop lying. These boys believe that the reduced number of German newspapers is proof of the correctness of their former prophesies. Let me speak clearly to that:

The strength and impact of the German press has not declined simply because the number of individual newspapers is less. We have gotten rid of the sensational press along with all the other newspapers that served something other than the German people. The 2,000 papers that today serve the German people are worth far more to us than the 3,250 papers of the past that to a significant degree worshiped at altars other than the fatherland, and which therefore had to be sacrificed for the fatherland!

And what better evidence for the strength of the German press is there than that despite the reduction in the number of newspapers, the total circulation has increased! To those prophets I have this to say: Just as the German people have defeated forces harmful to them and thereby regained their freedom and strength, so too the German press has been freed from these elements and has its lasting place in Germany. I might also give them the good advice to direct their attention to the press in other nations.

In my address to the party congress last year I referred to the criticism of the press levied by leading statesmen in the western democracies. Today I will discuss the press in a country that is carrying out a revolutionary transformation of the press: Soviet Russia.

It is obvious that Jewish Bolshevism is using entirely different press principles than we National Socialists. That is clear even in the way it implements its policies. We retained all the valuable principles of the past, but in Russia they have followed the principle of destruction. We have kept that which honestly served the German people, but Bolshevism began by destroying everything that existed. We retained individual personality, initiative and competition as the foundations of the press, and also private property. In Communist Russia, as in everything else they established a monopoly of the state, the unions and the collectives. Our whole purpose was to build a press that served the German people, while Bolshevism tolerated only a proletarian class press that strove to eliminate all not in the ruling class. It is no surprise that their journalists are almost entirely Jewish. Jewish control of the press system is more advanced than any other area of the Soviet state.

The content of our press is determined by the needs of the people, whereas the contents of the communist press are determined by the press department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. It also has censorship authority. Furthermore, each edition of a newspaper must pass state censorship before it can be distributed. The rules and administrative system rule out any independence on the part of the press. It is merely an instrument of Jewish class rule. Given the nature of communist doctrine, it is obvious that all moral and national virtues are entirely lacking, or are the targets of the communist press’ campaign of annihilation.

Given communist doctrine and its attitude toward the press, it is also obvious that not only the press, but also journalists themselves are under the state. Government regulations control every aspect of journalistic activity. Detailed rules determine their compensation and activities. This makes particularly clear the nonsense of communist planning. It is not surprising that there are few communist journalists, since their economic position is very bad. As an example, even after a pay increase several years ago, only about 10% of provincial journalists even owned a pocket watch.

Our press can depend on competition and a sound and responsible leadership on the part of publishers. The monopoly of the press in Russia has completely destroyed its economic foundations. Aside from the three Moscow newspapers, all Russian newspapers lose money and required government subventions of 30 million rubles in 1930. The elimination of personality and competition naturally, the logical result of communist teaching, replaced sound economics. The people had to pay for the resulting losses. The communist planned economy took intellectual and business matters from the publishers, leaving them only with the organizational and technical aspects of putting out a newspaper. The state makes all the important decisions. It determines the newspaper’s planning, its circulation area, its circulation, its content. Its postal monopoly controls the distribution. The advertising business, also a monopoly, is entirely insignificant as a result of the communist economic system.

Building the Russian system on foundations entirely different from those of National Socialism naturally led to grotesque consequences. The newspapers’ content is bad. The level of the average journalist in the Soviet Union is low. “Pravda,” the leading communist newspaper, recently published a letter that said: “We have few journalists with initiative who can handle a question independently.” Most editors have passed only a middle-level exam in Russian writing, and many are semi-illiterate. Many articles as a result have several authors, since no single journalist is able to write them. The 18 June 1936 issue of “Pravda” provides examples of poor reporting even from the sole official Russian news agency “Tass.” The leading communist newspaper has been carrying regular articles about the complete inadequacy of the Russian press.

The same deficiencies are evident in every area. The distribution of newspapers and magazines is the result more of accident than orderly plan. The members of the Bolshevist government responsible for the press were unable to conceal its catastrophic failures and weaknesses at the communist press congress this past May. They mentioned the obvious weaknesses in journalists’ knowledge of simple political and economic matters, which had to be publicly criticized, and added that newspapers and magazines are often distributed irregularly. As an example, magazines dated in January saw the light of the day only in March or April. The propaganda chief of the Communist Party said: “This is true contempt for the subscribers. Those responsible must be punished.” This communist spokesman forgot to mention only that these problems are not accidental, but rather the result of the application of communist principles.

The Soviet press catastrophe shows with frightening clarity what would have happened to the German press and our other cultural values if National Socialism had not rescued our people and fatherland from the hands of Jewish Bolshevism.

When the Führer returned from the war as an unknown soldier and began his struggle to rescue the German nation, he had nothing but his own will. The press of the whole world was against him, above all the press of self-serving parties. Here, too, the National Socialist state changed the face of Germany. The face of the German press today reflects the living soul and creativity of the German people.

We have not found it necessary to harm our people by making experiments with uncertain outcomes. We have not wasted party or government money. Our only capital was the incomparable experience of a 14-year struggle and the unshakable will to solve the tasks the Führer gave us. We established the economic foundation of the German press on National Socialist principles, and built upon that foundation.

Old National Socialists always think back to the spirit of the period of struggle. When one battle was finished, the Führer stood before us and gave the order “the fight continues.” These words are the best expression of the laws we follow in working for the German people, for they command us never to tire or rest until our work is done.

The slogan today is the same as always. Then the struggle was to gain control of state power. Today our task is to work every day to fulfill the meaning of the National Socialist seizure of power: to make the nation healthy and strong in all areas by realizing the program of the movement.

My Führer! In the past years the measures we have taken, in close cooperation with our party comrade Dr. Goebbels, have fulfilled point 23 of our party platform.

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