Posts Tagged ‘Hitler’

Alfred Rosenberg

Monday, August 6th, 2012

Pportrait of influential Nazi racial ‘philosopher’ Alfred Rosenberg, an early member of the Nazi Party and propagandist. His writings included the 1930 book “The Myth of the Twentieth Century” which declared the existence of two opposing races: the Aryan race, creator of all values and culture, and the Jewish race, the agent of cultural corruption – a viewpoint taken literally by Hitler and the Nazis. Below: Following his appointment as Reich Minister for the Eastern Occupied Territories, a staged scene in which Rosenberg receives a tribute of bread and flowers from a young Ukrainian couple.

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The Last Days of Peace

Thursday, August 2nd, 2012

Before Ribbentrop had even arrived in Moscow to sign the Nazi-Soviet Pact, the British were already reacting to news of the agreement which had leaked out.

The Pact didn’t change anything as far as the British government was concerned and it so informed Adolf Hitler. Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain sent the Führer a personal letter warning him that if the Nazis invaded Poland, the British would “employ without delay all the forces at their command, and it is impossible to foresee the end of hostilities once engaged…”

The letter was delivered to Hitler at Berchtesgaden on August 23rd by British Ambassador Nevile Henderson and sent Hitler into one of his classic fits of rage. Up to this point, Hitler had been assuring his generals that Britain and France would not go to war over Poland. “The men I got to know at Munich are not the kind to start a new world war,” Hitler boasted during a military conference at Berchtesgaden.

All during 1939, Hitler had been spending more and more of his time atop his Berchtesgaden mountain retreat trying to figure things out. Thus far in his career, he had been the master chess player on the European stage, humbling and outmaneuvering all of his opponents, always a step or two ahead of everyone.

But now the game had changed. No longer was it a matter of bluff and dare. It had come down to actual threats of war, upon which rested the fate of millions. Hitler threatened war. Poland threatened war. Britain and France were threatening war.

Even the Americans were getting involved. President Franklin Roosevelt barged into the whole mess with a telegram to Hitler inquiring: “Are you willing to give assurance that your armed forces will not attack or invade the territory of the following independent nations?” Roosevelt listed 31 nations including Poland, the Baltic States, Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium, France, and Britain.

Hitler gave his answer during a speech to the Reichstag and assured ‘Herr Roosevelt’ that Germany only had peaceful intentions toward its neighbors. Germany, Hitler declared, “had not thought of proceeding in any way against Poland.”

The problem was that nobody outside Germany believed him anymore. Hitler had lied once too often. And he had made the dreadful mistake of humbling and embarrassing the leaders of the British Empire, who would never forgive him for trashing the Munich Agreement. Britain would fight, they warned him and it could mean a new world war. But despite the repeated warnings, Hitler was still convinced Britain would back off at the last moment.

Hitler’s war economy seen in full swing as Junkers Ju-88 high-speed medium bombers are mass-assembled – each capable of carrying about 3,000 pounds (1500 kgs) of bombs. Below: A middle class German family and their radio. Such inexpensive radios were distributed freely by Nazis to needy families allowing Goebbels’ powerful propaganda to reach everywhere. By 1939, all news and information from the outside world had essentially been cut off and only pre-approved music, entertainment, Nazi speeches and news reports were ever heard.
Below: A look at the grandeur of the Kurfürstendamm bridge, castle and cathedral in pre-war Berlin – a city that would be 90-percent destroyed in the coming conflict – a fate shared to varying degrees by many great cities in Europe, England and Russia.
Below: Summer 1939 and the last days of peace. Left: A youngster in Berlin frolics in a fountain featuring animals that spray water. Right: Advice is given to a young German driver on how to use a car-jack to fix a flat tire.

The great problem for Hitler at this point in his career was that his own bloated ego was fogging up his formerly crystal clear insight into international politics. The Führer-god of Germany was ever so slowly succumbing to the belief that he was infallible, that if he said such-and-such a thing was true, then indeed it must be true. He was suffering from a kind of creeping megalomania and it was clouding his judgment, blinding him to reality.

However, there was nobody left in Germany willing to tell him he was wrong, no one willing to question anything he said, no matter how outlandish it seemed.

When Hitler gathered his top generals for three separate pre-war conferences in 1939, they listened in complete silence to the dictates of the Führer, which would bring about the worst catastrophe in the history of humanity.

On May 23, 1939, the Führer assembled fourteen senior military officers in Berlin including Hermann Göring, Admiral Raeder, Generals Brauchitsch, Halder and Keitel, and explained that Germany needed a war because the Reich’s economy was in such dire straits. And fixing Germany’s economy would be “impossible without invading other countries or attacking other people’s possessions.”

For Nazi Germany, the acquisition of Lebensraum had now become an economic necessity. This was due to Hitler’s massive re-armament program which was soaking up an amazing 23 percent of Germany’s annual Gross National Product. Hitler had ordered German industry to drop everything and re-arm the country as fast as possible. As a result, the employment level in the Reich stood at 125 percent, technically, meaning there was a huge labor shortage with many jobs left unfilled, especially in agriculture. This was occurring even though the overall population of the Greater Reich had swollen to 80 million with the acquisitions of Austria and Czechoslovakia.

The lopsided Nazi economy was headed for a crash unless there was an immediate reallocation of labor and raw materials, or, unless fresh supplies of men and materials were acquired from outside the Reich. This is the option Hitler chose and so informed his generals on May 23rd.

A month later, June 23rd, Göring convened a meeting of the Reich Defense Council to coordinate the total mobilization of German manpower and resources for the coming war. Hitler was not there, but 35 civil and military officials were present including Keitel, Raeder, Halder and SS Leader Heinrich Himmler. Hitler, it was announced, had decided to draft seven million men into the armed services. The resulting severe labor shortage was to be made up by forced labor, utilizing prisoners of war, along with inmates from concentration camps and prisons. Himmler stated that “greater use will be made of concentration camps in wartime.” Göring said that “hundreds of thousands” of Czech workers would be taken into Germany as forced laborers in agriculture. This marked the inception of the Nazi slave labor program, designed to fill the Reich’s insatiable need for cheap manual labor.

By late August, the path to conquest was cleared for Hitler by the Non-Aggression Pact with Stalin, insuring that Germany would not have to fight a war on two fronts. While Ribbentrop was in Moscow to sign the Pact, and the ink on the paper was not even dry, Hitler gathered his generals at Berchtesgaden for their final pre-war conference to give them the green light for the invasion of Poland.

It was now, Hitler announced, his “irrevocable decision” to go to war.

“Our economic situation is such that we cannot hold out more than a few years. Göring can confirm this. We have no other choice. We must act,” Hitler said. Thus far, all of Germany’s territorial gains had come as a result of “political bluff” but it was now necessary to utilize Germany’s “military machine.”

“I shall give a propagandist reason for starting the war. Never mind whether it is plausible or not. The victor will not be asked afterward whether he told the truth or not. In starting and waging a war it is not right that matters but victory.”

And how were his soldiers to behave during this coming war?

“Close your hearts to pity!” the Führer ordered. “Act brutally! Eighty million people must obtain what is their right…The stronger man is right…Be harsh and remorseless! Be steeled against all signs of compassion!”

Hitler’s ‘propagandist reason’ for starting the war had already been arranged by Himmler and Heydrich at the Führer’s request. The plan was of such importance that it was code named Operation Himmler and involved having the SS stage fake attacks by the Polish Army against German troops along the German-Polish border. At the Gleiwitz radio station, a Polish-speaking German working with the SS would grab the microphone and broadcast an inflammatory speech in Polish declaring that the time had come for Poles to fight the Germans. Concentration camp inmates dressed in Polish Army uniforms would be killed by lethal injections then riddled with bullets and left as evidence of the attacks, to be viewed later by members of the press.

Preparations for Operation Himmler were fully underway, with the invasion of Poland now scheduled by Hitler to begin at 4:30 a.m. on Saturday, August 26th. As a prelude to the invasion, Goebbels’ propaganda machine went into overdrive spinning out stories of alleged atrocities committed by Poles against tens of thousands of ethnic Germans living inside Poland.

For several months now, Nazi journalists had also been trying to prepare the German people for the inevitable war in Europe. They had been personally instructed by Hitler to build enthusiasm for war and to counter civilian pessimism. But the propaganda only had limited success. Most Germans still did not want a war.

Amazingly, on the eve of battle, Friday, August 25th, Hitler lost his nerve and postponed the whole invasion. There were two big diplomatic developments that day which had shaken the Führer‘s confidence. First, Hitler became aware that Britain and Poland had signed their treaty of mutual assistance against German aggression. Secondly, Mussolini informed the Führer that Italy was unprepared for war and would not join the fight, despite the military Pact of Steel it had signed with Germany.

About 6:30 p.m. that day, Hitler summoned General Keitel to the Reich Chancellery and told him: “Stop everything at once…I need time for negotiations.”

Above all, Hitler wanted to prevent British military intervention, even at this late date. The Nazis now tried a back-door diplomatic channel, utilizing a Swedish friend of Göring’s named Birger Dahlerus as an informal go-between. Göring sent him to London to tell Foreign Secretary Halifax that the Nazis hoped to achieve some kind of “understanding” with the British. Halifax sent him back to Berlin with a letter stating the British still hoped for some kind of peaceful settlement.

Göring thought the letter from Halifax was important enough to bring to Hitler immediately. Accompanied by Dahlerus, Göring arrived at the Chancellery in Berlin around midnight on Saturday, August 26th. Hitler, normally a night owl, had already gone to bed and was awaken at Göring’s request.

Surprisingly, Hitler paid no attention to the letter but instead quizzed Dahlerus at length about the true nature of the British people. Hitler, like many of the top Nazis, both admired and hated the British, but could never seem to understand them.

Dahlerus, who had lived and worked in England, obliged the Führer and spoke about the British. But Hitler started behaving strangely. According to an account later provided by Dahlerus, the Führer “suddenly got up, and becoming very nervous, walked up and down…suddenly he stopped in the middle of the room and stood there staring. His voice was blurred, and his behavior that of a completely abnormal person. He spoke in staccato phrases: ‘If there should be war, then I shall build U-boats, build U-boats, U-boats, U-boats, U-boats’…then he pulled himself together, raised his voice as though addressing a large audience and shrieked: ‘I shall build airplanes, build airplanes, airplanes, airplanes, and I shall annihilate my enemies!’ “

Unknown to Dahlerus, the Führer had good reason to be so edgy. Several hours earlier, he had abruptly changed his mind regarding the attack on Poland and telephoned his Army High Command, ordering them to get everything ready for the new invasion date, Friday, September 1st.

Over the next few days, Dahlerus made several more trips between Berlin and London carrying proposals and counter proposals back and forth, all of which came to nothing. The Nazis essentially wanted Poland to hand over Danzig and the Polish Corridor, while the British were reluctant to do anything that smelled like another Munich Agreement.

September 1939 – Stuka dive-bombers in action over Poland. The war commenced with a devastating aerial and artillery attack followed by rapidly advancing tanks and troops – the pattern for all that was to come. Below: German troops on half-tracks roll into the city of Czestochowa, Poland.

Hitler and Ribbentrop also saw Ambassador Henderson several times and successfully manipulated him into rushing the Poles into some last minute negotiations to preserve the peace. For propaganda purposes, the Nazis wanted to make it appear to the world that they had been willing to discuss a peaceful solution with Poland. In reality, they deliberately concocted one obstacle after another to prevent any meaningful negotiations from ever occurring and then said the Poles were uncooperative.

All along the German-Polish border, military preparations were now fully underway to launch the invasion. At 12:30 p.m. on Thursday, August 31st, the Supreme Commander of the German Armed Forces, Adolf Hitler, issued Directive No. 1 for the Conduct of the War. Hitler’s objective was to destroy Poland quickly via an overwhelming lightning attack then turn his armies westward and deal with Britain and France if they attacked Germany from the west. He was still not sure whether they would actually honor their much vaunted commitment to Poland.

By nightfall on Thursday, a million and a half German soldiers were moving into final position for the invasion of Poland. Operation Himmler was put into effect at 8 p.m. as SS men dressed in Polish Army uniforms staged a series of fake border attacks, including the one at Gleiwitz where they seized the radio microphone and shouted out in Polish, “People of Poland, the time has come for war between Poland and Germany!” Hitler now had his propaganda excuse for launching the war.

At dawn on Friday morning, September 1st, German troops roared across the border into Poland smashing everything in their way. The hopelessly outdated Polish Army put up brave resistance but was crushed without mercy by the incredible German military machine.

At 10 a.m. that morning Hitler appeared before the Reichstag in Berlin and announced: “This night for the first time Polish regular soldiers fired on our own territory. Since 5:45 a.m. we have been returning the fire, and from now on bombs will be met with bombs.”

The war for Lebensraum that Hitler always wanted had finally begun. Five years, eight months and six days of bloodshed and destruction lay ahead that would see some 40 million persons killed and much of the cultural heritage of Germany and Europe destroyed. The German people had surrendered their will to one man and he had plunged them into a new world war to fulfill his own mad ambitions.

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The Nazi-Soviet Pact

Thursday, August 2nd, 2012

By the beginning of 1939, Adolf Hitler had become so bold that he tried to steal two separate neighboring territories at the same time. While he was focusing on taking Czechoslovakia, he was also pressuring Poland to give him the former German city of Danzig located on the Baltic Sea. And he wanted the Poles to permit construction of a new super highway and railroad stretching from Germany through Polish territory into East Prussia.

The territory in question was known as the Polish Corridor, a narrow strip of land which gave Poland access to the sea and cut off East Prussia from the rest of Germany. Poland had been granted this sea corridor after World War I by the Treaty of Versailles, which also designated Danzig as a Free City operating under the supervision of the League of Nations.

All of this, of course, was completely unacceptable to Hitler and to most Germans but they never had the power to do anything about it – until now.

April 1939 – Hitler is delighted by the gift of a framed painting from SS-Reichsführer Himmler in honor of his 50th birthday. Reaching the half-century mark had huge personal significance for the Führer – who now wanted his war for Lebensraum sooner rather than later. Below: Nazi elite and assorted guests at Hitler’s birthday reception held at the Hotel Kaiserhof in Berlin.

Making matters worse, Poland’s military leaders had connived with Hitler to steal a small piece of Czechoslovakia back in October 1938. Thus they were more susceptible to being pressured by the Nazis into some kind of agreement concerning Danzig and the Polish Corridor.

To achieve this, Hitler and Nazi Foreign Minister Ribbentrop held several meetings with Poland’s Ambassador to Germany, Josef Lipski, and with the Polish Foreign Minister, Józef Beck. But the Poles said they had absolutely no interest in compromising with Hitler and bluntly informed the Nazis in late November 1938 that any attempt by Germany to grab Danzig “must inevitably lead to conflict.”

Thus far, all of Hitler’s conquests had resulted from his successful use of gangster diplomacy. But now, for the first time in his career, Hitler had encountered an opponent that would not give in. Hitler responded to Poland’s defiance by ordering his generals to prepare to take Danzig “by surprise.”

Meanwhile, Hitler had managed to annex what remained of Czechoslovakia. But it had been a costly move on his part. Outraged public opinion in Great Britain resulted in a tough stance taken by Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and a firm declaration on March 31, 1939, that Britain, with the backing of France, would fight to save Poland.

Things were not going so easily for Hitler anymore. When he heard about Chamberlain’s guarantee to Poland, he flew into a rage and shouted against the British: “I’ll cook them a stew they’ll choke on!”

That stew would be World War II and was now only a matter of months away. Thus the time had come for the major powers in Europe and elsewhere to pick sides. Britain and France were already aligned with Poland. It could also be assumed that the United States would side with Britain at some future point.

Germany’s main friend in Europe, Fascist Italy, had been strangely silent up to this point. The Italian dictator, Benito Mussolini, had been hemming and hawing for about a year as to whether he would actually take the plunge and formally link his country’s future with Nazi Germany. Mussolini hesitated with good reason. During several visits with top Nazis he had listened to their reckless bragging about the coming war in Europe and Germany’s sure victory.

Mussolini was not at all opposed to the use of military force. However, he preferred to choose his targets carefully, preferably defenseless little countries such as Ethiopia and Albania, both of which he had occupied. But a European war against the major powers was another story. Mussolini’s army was simply not ready for such a war.

The Italians were also taken aback by the Nazis total disregard for the death and suffering a new world war would bring. Mussolini differed greatly from Hitler in that he did not possess the same murderous mentality as the Führer. Hitler did not value human life. Mussolini, although he was a belligerent bully and opportunist, did value life.

Interestingly, Mussolini seems to have made his final decision to ally with Hitler almost on the spur of the moment. On May 6, 1939, Nazi Foreign Minister Ribbentrop met in Milan, Italy, with Mussolini’s son-in-law, Count Galeazzo Ciano, who functioned as Italy’s Foreign Minister. Count Ciano hoped to impress upon the Nazis that Italy wished to delay the onset of war for at least three years. Ribbentrop greatly surprised Ciano by saying that Nazi Germany also wanted to delay things for another three years.

Later that evening, Mussolini telephoned Ciano for a report on the discussions and was informed the talks had gone very well indeed. Upon hearing this, Mussolini instructed his son-in-law to announce to the press that Italy and Germany had concluded an actual military alliance. Ciano then informed Ribbentrop of Mussolini’s remarkable request. Ribbentrop, naturally, had to talk to his Führer before he would agree to anything. He telephoned Hitler who immediately approved the announcement.

Portrait of Count Galeazzo Ciano, the gullible son-in-law of Mussolini, who inadvertently paved the way for the Nazi military pact with Fascist Italy.

Tragically for Italy, Mussolini and his son-in-law had completely misjudged the whole situation. By this time, Hitler had already issued secret orders to his generals to be ready to invade Poland by September 1st. The Germans were deliberately keeping the Italians in the dark as to their true intentions. The military “Pact of Steel” subsequently signed by Italy and Germany would later have disastrous consequences for the Italian people as they were drawn into Hitler’s war.

While all of these developments were occurring, Soviet Russia was feeling quite left out of the whole diplomatic scenario. The Russians voiced their dissatisfaction in a series of speeches originating from Moscow but geared toward Western ears. In March 1939, Soviet leader Josef Stalin gave a cynical speech describing the Munich Agreement and subsequent concessions made by Britain as an attempt to push Germany further eastward, perhaps into a war with Russia. Stalin warned the Western Allies that he would not allow Soviet Russia to be manipulated into a solo war against Nazi Germany while the West just stood by and watched.

In May 1939, Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov gave a speech hinting that the Western Allies should get busy and talk to Moscow soon or there might be some kind of agreement forthcoming between Soviet Russia and Nazi Germany.

However, Prime Minister Chamberlain, leader of the Western Allies, was in no hurry to talk to the Russians. He simply did not believe in the value of a military alliance with Soviet Russia. In a private letter he even asserted: “I have no belief whatever in her ability to maintain an effective offensive, even if she wanted to. And I distrust her motives…”

Chamberlain was not alone in his distrust. The Poles actually hated the Russians, knowing that Stalin would not hesitate to gobble up Poland if he had the chance. As a result, Poland, along with Britain, had thus far refused all Russian offers to discuss joint military action in the event of further Nazi aggression. This outright rejection encouraged Stalin to negotiate with the Nazis.

Although Hitler had repeatedly professed his own hatred of Bolshevism (Communism in Soviet Russia), he decided to pursue a non-aggression pact with Stalin to avoid the possibility of having to fight a war on two fronts at the same time.

Hitler’s master plan was to crush Poland with lightning speed, then turn westward and knock out France and Britain. It was therefore necessary for Soviet Russia to remain neutral, otherwise Germany might have to fight the French-British in the west and Russians in the east – the dreaded military scenario that had proved so disastrous for Germany two decades earlier during World War I.

This time around, the Western Allies would be knocked out first, then Hitler would turn his armies eastward and plunge deep into Russia, rolling over Stalin’s Red Army to acquire thousands of miles of Lebensraum at Russia’s expense.

Hitler, just like the Western Allies, had a low opinion of the Red Army’s fighting potential and also grossly underestimated Josef Stalin, one of the most ruthless humans who ever lived.

Stalin, like Hitler, did not value human life. By this time in Soviet Russia’s history, Stalin had experience in committing mass murder and had his own well-developed system of concentration camps. Stalin would kill anyone for any reason. The slightest suspicion, real or imagined, was enough to make a person vanish without a trace inside the Soviet terror state he created.

But now, through a quirk of fate, Stalin suddenly became the man of the hour in Europe. When the British finally realized there was a good possibility he might side with the Nazis, they put aside their own reservations about the man and pursued an alliance.

A beaming Josef Stalin (rear right) along with Foreign Minister Molotov (beside him) watches Nazi Foreign Minister Ribbentrop sign the Non-Aggression Pact for Germany. Below: Symbolic Russian-German handshake by Stalin and Ribbentrop after the signing.

When the Nazis realized the British were seeking an alliance, they intensified their own efforts. Thus, as the summer of 1939 arrived, a strange kind of competition sprang up between the British and the Germans as to who would succeed in getting the Russian leader to sign on the dotted line.

The biggest hurdle facing the British was that Poland refused outright to allow any Russian troops onto its soil under any conditions, even if the country was being invaded by Hitler. This, of course, made it nearly impossible to conclude a military pact involving Russia.

In addition to this, Chamberlain made a series of diplomatic blunders that allowed Hitler and Ribbentrop to gain momentum. Chamberlain’s negotiators didn’t even arrive in Moscow until August 11th. By that time, the Nazis had been hard at work laying the groundwork for a Nazi-Soviet pact.

Worse for the British, the Russians were insulted that Chamberlain sent second-rank British military officers to Moscow on such an important mission. Chamberlain also instructed his negotiators not to rush into anything at first, thus they moved at a snail’s pace during the initial discussions, frustrating the Russians. The British also declined to share any military intelligence with the Russians, further insulting them.

All of these complications served to convince Stalin that Poland and its Western Allies were not serious about seeking a military alliance against Hitler.

Stalin had no qualms about negotiating with Hitler, if it was in the best interest of Soviet Russia to do so. Hitler, of course, had every reason to negotiate with Stalin. It was now mid-August and his planned invasion of Poland was just a few weeks away.

Germany’s ambassador in Moscow, Count Schulenburg, pushed hard to get the whole process rolling and was authorized by Berlin to say yes to every Russian demand. The Russians responded kindly to this and on August 16th sent the first word back to Berlin that a non-aggression pact might indeed be forthcoming. They even took the time to provide a first draft of just such a pact.

As the days of August ticked by and September grew ever-closer, Hitler and Ribbentrop became frantically determined to get the pact finalized and signed. On August 20th, Hitler sent a personal message to Stalin stating that “a crisis may arise any day” between Germany and Poland and therefore the Russian leader should receive Ribbentrop in Moscow “at the latest on Wednesday, August 23rd.”

Once again the Russians responded kindly and agreed to see Ribbentrop on the 23rd to seal the actual agreement. The two Foreign Ministers, Ribbentrop and Molotov, thus signed the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact in a ceremony at the Kremlin building attended by Stalin himself.

Hitler had gotten what he needed. He would not have to fight a war on two fronts. And Stalin got what he wanted. According to a secret protocol attached to the pact, Stalin was granted a free hand in Eastern Europe to steal back several areas lost to Russia at the end of World War I, including the countries of Latvia, Estonia and Finland, the province of Bessarabia in Romania, and most importantly, the entire eastern portion of Poland.

Hitler was quite willing to be this generous to Stalin, knowing all along that he intended to destroy Soviet Russia itself in the not-too-distant future.

The Nazi-Soviet Pact sealed the fate of Poland, a country that was geographically isolated from its Western Allies, thus making direct military aid nearly impossible. Poland’s only hope for survival would have been an alliance with its next door neighbor, the Russians.

The news that these two cynical, ruthless men, Adolf Hitler and Josef Stalin, had made a pact with each other, shocked the world. Everyone knew what it meant – that a new world war was all but certain now. All that remained was for the Führer to say when.

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Germans Elect Nazis

Wednesday, August 1st, 2012

Adolf Hitler and the Nazis waged a modern whirlwind campaign in 1930 unlike anything ever seen in Germany. Hitler traveled the country delivering dozens of major speeches, attending meetings, shaking hands, signing autographs, posing for pictures, and even kissing babies.

Joseph Goebbels brilliantly organized thousands of meetings, torchlight parades, plastered posters everywhere and printed millions of special edition Nazi newspapers.

Germany was in the grip of the Great Depression with a population suffering from poverty, misery, and uncertainty, amid increasing political instability.

For Hitler, the master speech maker, the long awaited opportunity to let loose his talents on the German people had arrived. He would find in this downtrodden people, an audience very willing to listen. In his speeches, Hitler offered the Germans what they needed most, encouragement. He gave them heaps of vague promises while avoiding the details. He used simple catchphrases, repeated over and over.

A typical campaign scene with Nazi posters on display next to the Center Party, Communists, Socialists and others. Below: Repeated propaganda marches became a cheap and effective form of publicity – sometimes leading to violence between rival political groups. Hörst Wessel, pictured at the front, was killed during such a brawl in 1930 and raised to the status of a martyr by Nazis via the “Hörst Wessel” banner anthem.

His campaign appearances were carefully staged events. Audiences were always kept waiting, deliberately letting the tension increase, only to be broken by solemn processions of Brownshirts with golden banners, blaring military music, and finally the appearance of Hitler amid shouts of “Heil!” The effect in a closed in hall with theatrical style lighting and decorations of swastikas was overwhelming and very catching.

Hitler began each speech in low, hesitating tones, gradually raising the pitch and volume of his voice then exploding in a climax of frenzied indignation. He combined this with carefully rehearsed hand gestures for maximum effect. He skillfully played on the emotions of the audience bringing the level of excitement higher and higher until the people wound up a wide-eyed, screaming, frenzied mass that surrendered to his will and looked upon him with pseudo-religious adoration.

Hitler offered something to everyone: work to the unemployed; prosperity to failed business people; profits to industry; expansion to the Army; social harmony and an end of class distinctions to idealistic young students; and restoration of German glory to those in despair. He promised to bring order amid chaos; a feeling of unity to all and the chance to belong. He would make Germany strong again; end payment of war reparations to the Allies; tear up the treaty of Versailles; stamp out corruption; keep down Marxism; and deal harshly with the Jews.

He appealed to all classes of Germans. The name of the Nazi Party itself was deliberately all inclusive – the National Socialist German Workers’ Party.

All of the Nazis, from Hitler, down to the leader of the smallest city block, worked tirelessly, relentlessly, to pound their message into the minds of the Germans.

On election day September 14, 1930, the Nazis received 6,371,000 votes – over eighteen percent of the total – and were thus entitled to 107 seats in the German Reichstag. It was a stunning victory for Hitler. Overnight, the Nazi Party went from the smallest to the second largest political party in Germany.

It propelled Hitler to solid national and international prestige and aroused the curiosity of the world press. He was besieged with interview requests. Foreign journalists wanted to know – what did he mean – tear up the Treaty of Versailles and end war reparations? – and that Germany wasn’t responsible for the First World War?

Gone was the Charlie Chaplin image of Hitler as the laughable fanatic behind the Beer Hall Putsch. The beer hall revolutionary had been replaced by the skilled manipulator of the masses.

On October 13, 1930, dressed in their brown shirts, the elected Nazi deputies marched in unison into the Reichstag and took their seats. When the roll-call was taken, each one shouted, “Present! Heil Hitler!”

They had no intention of cooperating with the democratic government, knowing it was to their advantage to let things get worse in Germany, thus increasing the appeal of Hitler to an ever more miserable people.

Nazi storm troopers dressed in civilian clothes celebrated their electoral victory by smashing the windows of Jewish shops, restaurants and department stores, an indication of things to come.

Now, for the floundering German democracy, the clock was ticking and time was on Hitler’s side.

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The Creative Word

Saturday, May 19th, 2012

The word is apparently the original element of human thought, and therefore of human genius. Today as well, it exercises its inescapable power on everyone whose intelligence has not been overcome by cynicism.

Applicability to truth and falsehood is characteristic of the word; man alone decides which use he will make of it.

The average man, and more certainly the masses, succumbs almost infallibly to the power of the word, unconcerned with its inherent truth. The inherent truth in words is not enough to combat spoken lies, but rather only a new word which can be set against the old. In order for this new word to be believed, the people and masses must hear and understand it. It must come to them and speak their language; its power must be greater than that of the old.

If the arts and the sciences are somehow separated by their mysterious languages that define the borders of each and their jurisdictions, the art of life, politics, works more than ever with the means of creative language in order to win the masses and hold them firmly within the boundaries of a definite conception and worldview. Creative language will occasionally make wide departures from the natural and aesthetic. That has no harmful effect on the masses, whom we must today consider a political reality, even if it does violence at times to the German language. One generally has to be careful when applying the so-called aesthetic yardstick to politics, as it gives no hint of possible outcomes.

 

As long as Western civilization relied on secret cabinet politics, the polished language of diplomacy served as a sharp and pointed Toledo sword to politics. To cynics, it was the art of saying the opposite of what one thought. In the mouth of an expert, it was a way of protecting oneself from the aims and influences of by the enemy. When the French Revolution opened the age of mass struggle, the gentlemanly games and limited risks of cabinet politics were replaced by all-out struggling movements of masses and nations. The fine old language of diplomacy yielded to the new, blunt, and violent language of political mass propaganda. Political language became a public affair.

Freedom, equality, brotherhood, capitalism, socialism, communism, profit, surplus value, output, international economy, Soviet Germany, nationalism, blood, land, race, self sufficiency, Third Reich — each of these is its own slogan, encompassing the inferences and doctrines of worldview.

They assault the enemy, hammer at him, raise doubt, fear, resistance, and agreement.

Adherents see in them a positive promise of a brighter future, and find in them a spiritual, faith-restoring rescue from blind, purely psychological daily struggles.

Today, the political “layman” faces a puzzling mass of words, a flood of unfamiliar concepts, a mysterious, ordered, deafeningly strong and one-sided view of life that works through the word to recruit and organize.

The major ideological parties make use of the technical aspects of language in their organizational structures. What is a ‘Truf,” a “Staf,” the “Osaf,” an “Uschla?” They are no longer mere abbreviation in a telegraph code (Truppführer, Standartenführer, Oberster S.A. Führer, Untersuchungs- und Schlictungsausschuss), but rather these are new words that have become colloquialisms, a jargon, in the National Socialist Party. Although these words may not be found in the creative works of Luther, Goethe, or Nietzsche, many will remain in our vocabulary. Today, at any event, they exercise their effect in spite of theoretical philology.

Every German is familiar with Hitler’s S.A. In the popular mind, it simply means the brown shirts, “the Hitlers.” The Führer himself answers the question, “What does S.A. mean?” with three definitions: Saalschutzabteilung [meeting hall guards]Sportabteilung [sports group]; and Sturmabteilung [storm troopers]. This explanation conceals a sense of uncertainty. The S.A. is a myth that cannot be captured in a few words; it can only be felt and experienced. The experience of a generation is summarized in this concept. The brief hard rhythm of this word has become something holy to millions.

The number of such words is legion. Each is propaganda by its very existence, each a form of intellectual bondage. Their very names require agreement or opposition, excite storms of the will, determine our actions.

Philologists and artists will accuse such newly created words of not being an organic part of the language, but rather artificial constructions. That is true of many such expressions. No one, however, will be able to root many of them out from the soul of people. They have become a familiar element of popular speech. The word S.A. is an example. One should on theoretical grounds question the right to existence of any expression which has not achieved popularity, acceptance, and organic union with the language. The right is a question of life. Life has previously created and justified such words in the sciences, arts, and economic and technical occupations. It now does so in politics as well.

There are also constructions that are intentionally designed to be effective and to produce suggestion through their unfamiliarity and which therefore remain strange to popular instinct. An example of such a construction is the communist word “agitprop.” There are “agitprop men,” “agitprop troops,” and “agitprop leaders,” the apostles of Bolshevist revolution under the red star. The word comes from agitation and propaganda.

The letters G.P.U. are just as strange. They are the initials of Gossundarstwennoje Polititschkoje Uprawlenje, the Soviet secret police. We call them the Cheka. They have systematically eliminated all other viewpoints in the country by systematic terror. These letters have become a symbol to the entire world of bloody terror and sinister underground power.

Creative language in political propaganda uses phrases and slogans to establish control. This is not new. The campaign slogans of a movement are and always have been the best propaganda. Anyone who had played a political role in the world was either a master of the word and of creative language, or else fought side by side with men accomplished in these arts.

Christianity conquered the world with its slogan “love thy neighbor as thyself.” The German people did not lose a war against the entire world because of the weakness of their weapons and soldiers, but rather because of the bureaucratic sterility of their leading officials. They were beaten not on the field of battle, but on the field of words. Their soul was crushed. They were never given a slogan to carry into the great struggle, while the enemy carried “against the Huns,” “for democracy,” and “for the League of Nations” onto the field. In politics, the fruitful and creative will always triumph over the unfruitful, the bureaucrats, the mere diplomats. Fichte’s observation that neither the power of the army nor the quality of the weapons decides a battle, but rather the power that leads the spirit to victory is also applicable to the political, military, and economic struggles of our day.

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Lies about “Hitler

Wednesday, May 16th, 2012

The party that, along with the USPD that had again joined its ranks, just after the revolution proclaimed it an honor to have been a shirker, or even a deserter, invented the lie shortly before the Reich presidential election that Hitler had shirked his duty. At Fournes in particular, he had always been “far from the action.” A temporary ban was imposed on that SPD pamphlet. In the subsequent court proceeding, the judge had to rule that the claim was untrue, based on an impressive number of sworn statements by witnesses, either on paper or directly before the court.

Here are excerpts from the sworn statements:

“… I want to stress that, when during the attack on the axe-shaped piece of forest (later called the Bavarian Forest), I left the cover of the forest near Wytschaete to better observe the attack, Hitler and another courier from the regimental staff, the volunteer Bachmann, placed themselves in front of me to protect me from machine gun fire with their own bodes.”

Signed: Engelhardt, Major General (retired), former commander of the Bavarian R.-F.-R. 16 (List).

“… I can only give former Corporal Hitler the greatest praise for his extraordinary accomplishments. Fournes was a village behind the regiment’s battle line. It served as a recovery area for battalion relieved from the front, and also served as the seat of the regimental staff during calmer periods. The village was within the danger zone, and was frequently under rather heavy fire. During battle, the regimental headquarters was moved about 3/4 of an hour forward to Fournelles, and orders had to be carried to the front line. The path was often under enemy machine gun and artillery fire. I can never remember a single time when Hitler was absent from his post. Hitler may wear the medals he earned with pride…”

Signed: Satny, Colonel (retired), former commander of the Bavarian R.-F.-R. 16 (List).

“Mr. Hitler, as corporal, was a courier for the regimental staff, and was not only always willing to carry out hard tasks, but did so with distinction. I stress that the List Regiment, as might be expected from its history, was at the toughest parts of the front, fighting in frequent major battles…”

Signed: Baligand, Colonel (retired), last commander of the Bavarian R.-F.-R. 16 (List).

“… At particularly dangerous points I often was asked for volunteers, and at such times Hitler regularly volunteered, and without hesitation…”

Signed: Bruno Horn, Lieutenant with the Bavarian R.-F.-R. 16 (List).

“… Hitler never hesitated in the least in carrying out even the most difficult order, and very often took on the most dangerous duties for his comrades.

Couriers for the regimental staff had to be among the most reliable people, because serving as a regimental courier during battles and skirmishes required iron nerves and a cool head. Hitler always did his duty, and even after his severe thigh wound, and volunteered to be sent back to his regiment from the reserve battalion immediately after his release from the hospital…”

Signed: Max Amann, former sergeant with the the Bavarian R.-F.-R. 16 (List).

“… I often met Corporal Adolf Hitler as he served as courier to and from the front. Anyone who understands the duties of a courier — and any soldier who has served at the front does — knows what it means, day after day and night after night to move through artillery fire and machine gun fire from the rear…”

Signed: Joseph Lohr, officer candidate with the Bavarian R.-F.-R. 16 (List).

“… It is true that Hitler was nearly blinded by a courier mission during a heavy gas attack, even though he was wearing a gas mask…”

Signed: Jakob Weiß, NCO with the Bavarian R.-F.-R. 16 (List).

“… Hitler received the Iron Cross, First Class, during the spring or summer of 1918 for his outstanding service as a courier during the great offensive of 1918, an in particular for his personal capture of a French officer and about 15 men, whom he suddenly encountered during a mission, and as a result of his quick thinking and decisive action, captured.

Hitler was seen by his fellow couriers, and many others in the regiment, as one of the best and bravest soldiers.”

Signed: Ernst Schmidt, with the Bavarian R.-F.-R. 16 (List) from November 1914 until October 1918.

The most sensational moment of the trial came during the testimony of Hitler’s regimental comrade Michel Schlehuber, a Social Democrat and union member for 35 years, who was called as a witness by the opposing side:

“I have known Hitler since the departure for the front of the Bavarian R.-F.-R. 16. I came to know Hitler as a good soldier and faultless comrade. I never saw Hitler attempt to avoid any duty or danger.

I was part of the division from first to last, and never heard anything then or afterwards bad about Hitler. I was astonished when I later read unfavorable things about Hitler’s service as a soldier in the newspapers.

I disagree entirely with Hitler on political matters, and give this testimony only because I highly respect Hitler as a war comrade.”

Signed: Michael Schlehuber


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WAGNER. OTTO

Friday, May 11th, 2012

(1841-1918). Viennese architect who went beyond Art Nouveau and propagated a turn away from the decorative style. Greatly disliked by Hitler.

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RAUSCHNING, HERMANN

Monday, May 7th, 2012

(1887-1961) Joined the NSDAP in 1926 and became Danzig Senate president in 1933. Broke with Hitler and the Nazis and immigrated to Switzerland in 1936 and later to the United States. Wrote several highly critical but informative books on Hitler and his plans for the future. Some historians consider him a spurious source.

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KEITEL, WILHELM

Friday, May 4th, 2012

(1882-1946) Commander-in-Chief of the German armed forces supreme command (OKW) from February 4, 1938, until dismissed on May 13, 1945. Promoted to the rank of field marshal-general in 1940. Said to be devoted to Hitler, he was sentenced to death at Nuremberg and executed on October 15, 1946, for signing orders (including the Commissar Order) to execute hostages.

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GANSSER, EMIL

Wednesday, May 2nd, 2012

(1874-1941) Siemens manager and NSDAP member from 1921. Gansser introduced Hitler to the National Club in Berlin and several times procured money for Hitler in Switzerland.

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