Posts Tagged ‘London’

South African Farmers Fearing for Their Lives

Wednesday, December 5th, 2012

On Saturday, in an unprecedented move to mark the second anniversary of the slaughter of a farming family, survivors of farm attacks marched in Pretoria and called for attacks on South Africa’s mostly white farmers to be designated a crime of national priority.

Since the attack on Attie Potgieter and his family, the simple stone farmhouse where they lived has stood empty and crumbling, with nobody wanting to live in the home where one of South Africa’s most disturbingly brutal crimes took place.

Mr Potgieter, a farm caretaker, was stabbed and hacked 151 times with a garden fork, a knife and a machete near Lindley in the Free State—the agricultural heart of the country.

His wife, Wilna, and two-year-old daughter, Willemien, were both made to watch him die, before being shot in the head, execution style.

All for pocket money, and possessions of relatively little value—a too-common story in South Africa’s rural areas, where mostly white Afrikaner farmers feel they are being targeted in gratuitously violent attacks on their remote farms and smallholdings. They accuse police and government of failing to make these crimes a priority. And as the horrifying murders continue, they are growing increasingly angry.

“If you kill a rhinoceros in South Africa, you get more time in jail then if you kill a person,” said Susan Nortje, 26, Mrs Potgieter’s younger sister. “I don’t think people understand. We must show people what’s really happening.”

The murder last weekend of British engineer Chris Preece, 54, who was born in Southgate in north London and found his dream on a piece of rolling farmland bordering Lesotho’s Maluti mountains, is the most recent farm killing to make headlines.

Mr Preece spent his weekdays working in Johannesburg before retreating to his beloved farm near the town of Ficksburg, where he and wife Felicity dreamed of starting a nature reserve to save raptor birds and cheetahs.

He was stabbed and hacked to death by men who stole just £210 and a mobile phone. Felicity was left severely traumatised with a skull fracture, and has not yet been able to talk about the attack from the Bloemfontein hospital in where she is being treated.

The couple’s son, Robert Preece, and his wife, Jeanne, are now considering leaving their native South Africa, because they don’t want to raise children in a country “where a man can be hacked to death for no reason”.

“This isn’t something we’re going to get over,” Jeanne Preece, 29, toldThe Sunday Telegraph. “It is a bottomless weight in all our souls.”

On Saturday, in an unprecedented move to mark the second anniversary of the slaughter of the Potgieters, families of murdered farmers and survivors of farm attacks marched in the capital Pretoria and called for attacks on South Africa’s mostly white farmers to be designated a crime of national priority.

Carrying photos of dead relatives and friends, 200 protesters—many wearing the khaki shorts and short-sleeved shirts that are the unofficial uniform of white South African farmers—sought to deliver a memorandum to the country’s police minister, Nathi Mthethwa, urging that farm attacks be given the same elevated police attention already accorded to rhinoceros poaching and copper cable theft.

“These murders are marked by a unique level of brutality—often worse than that found in terrorist attacks,” the memorandum said. “The argument that farm murders are ‘only murder’ does not hold water.”

South African police stopped releasing separate figures on farm attacks in 2007, and incorporated them into wider violent crime statistics.

But according to the Transvaal Agricultural Union of South Africa, there have been 2,863 farm attacks and 1,592 farm murders since 1990, and independent think-tanks put the true number of farmers murdered at closer to 3,000.

It is now twice as dangerous to be a farmer as it is to be a police officer in South Africa, according to Johan Burger, a senior researcher with the Pretoria-based Institute for Security Studies’ crime and justice programme. Last year the country had a murder rate of 31.9 per 100,000 people, almost 30 times higher than Britain, according to police statistics. For police officers, this rate rises to 51—and among farmers, a staggering 99 people killed per 100,000.

What troubles many South Africans is the horrific and unnecessary violence that’s a grim hallmark of farm attacks ostensibly staged to steal money—blamed by some on resentment at the yawning gap between rich and poor, 40 per cent unemployment in some rural areas and the legacy of ill feeling bequeathed by the former apartheid system.

Ernst Roets, deputy CEO of the Afrikaner civil rights group AfriForum and an organiser of the campaign, complained that the government had tried to declare the march an illegal gathering. “They are taking active steps to stop us from speaking out about the problem,” he said.

The police minister was not in his offices on Saturday to receive the memorandum. But a spokesman, Zweli Mnisi, accused AfriForum of “grandstanding”.

Mr Mnisi said: “They are only representing people based on their colour. For us, racialising crime is problematic. You can’t have a separate category that says, farmers are the special golden boys and girls.

“You end up saying the life of a white person is more important. You cannot do this.”

South African farms are still overwhelmingly owned by whites, mostly Afrikaner—who are descended from the country’s first Dutch settlers and speak their own language. The government’s efforts to encourage a gentle method of land reform, known as “willing buyer, willing seller” in stark contrast to the state-sponsored violent takeovers in neighbouring Zimbabwe, has been a flop.

Prof Burger rejects claims by some in the Afrikaans farming community that the attacks amount to a genocide on white farmers. He said there is also no evidence of political involvement in the attacks.

“The perception is that farmers are all rich, and these criminals know the vulnerability of these remote farms, and so they see it as relatively low risk,” he said.

However, he added, in some attacks the perpetrators “take out their hatred for all those past wrongs, and show who’s in control now”. Farmers claim their attackers are stirred by the old black struggle song “Shoot the Boer”, the subject of a court case on hate speech brought against the former African National Congress party youth leader Julius Malema after he took to singing it at rallies.

Among those on the march was Magda Pistorius, 53, who still grieves for her husband Wybrand, killed in an attack in June last year.

The couple were asleep at their new home on a smallholding in Muldersdrift, near Johannesburg, which they had moved into just 12 hours earlier, when they awoke at 3.50am to find two men standing over the bed. One of the men said “Hello, boss”—and then shot and killed Mr Pistorius, 53, before shooting his wife in the stomach.

Their daughters were also at home, but unharmed. The robbers fled with just a mobile phone and a torch.

The bullet was removed from Mrs Pistorius’ stomach four months after the June 2011 attack. Today, she lives around the corner from the smallholding, and finds daily life hard because of the constant reminders of her husband.

“Physically, I have recovered,” she said. “But emotionally, it will never go away.

“The government has to do something to stop this whole story. This whole country is so lawless. It’s easy to rob and steal. The justice system is a mess. Everyone else here has got their human rights. But what about ours?”

Also protesting were three generations of the Pretorius family, ambushed when they returned home from a church service to their smallholding in Muldersdrift, near Johannesburg, one night in 2005.

Unbeknown to them, members of their extended family had been held captive at the house. A worker ran out to warn that a gang of armed men were inside, but while Coenie Pretorius, 36, was trying to drive off, the men opened fire.

Mr Pretorius died from gunshot wounds in front of his family and his wife, Petro de Kock, was shot in the lower back while protecting their two young children. She survived the injury, but the family still has deep scars from the trauma of the attack, especially since no one was ever convicted.

The slain farmer’s parents have since moved to Perth, Australia, saying they can no longer live in South Africa, but returned to join in yesterday’s protest.

Their grandson—also called Coenie, who is now 20 and lives in Johannesburg, said: “It makes it so difficult for us, because they wrecked our lives.

“Something needs to be done. This isn’t just happening to our family—look at how many families there are here today.”

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/9716539/South-African-farmers-fearing-for-their-lives.html

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The Chiles Test for White Liberal Racial Hypocrisy

Wednesday, December 5th, 2012

In 2003 radio and TV presenter Adrian Chiles self-indulgently allowed himself a gigantic wallow in liberal breast beating . In a long article for the Daily Telegraph entitled “Why are all my friends White?”, Chiles expressed his surprise that he, a white liberal bigot of impeccable anti-racist, multiculturalist credentials, had no non-white friends and precious little deep social interaction with blacks and Asians:

The thought struck me as I was looking through my wedding photos recently: why is it that I have no black or Asian friends? I work with some black people, I socialise with them, but when I looked at the pictures of the 131 guests at my wedding, I was shocked to find that there wasn’t a single non-white face among them. I consider myself a fairly liberal, open-minded chap, so the demographic of my circle of friends was quite troubling. I decided to investigate further, and scrolled down the 99 names in my mobile phone’s memory, to find that there is only one black person on the list—a television producer whom I work with.

It’s not that I haven’t come into contact with many black or Asian people during my life. I grew up in the West Midlands, which is home to the largest non-white communities outside the capital. And I now live in Hammersmith, a decidedly multi-racial area of west London. Yet, when Petal Felix, the aforementioned producer, came to visit me to discuss the possibility of making a documentary on the very subject that was causing me such concern, I was horrified to realise she was the first black person who’d ever been to my house.

Faced with this traumatic (for the politically correct) disjunction between the quasi-religious utterances about the enriching qualities of racial and ethnic diversity in a society and claims that “race is just a social construct” that people such as Chiles routinely make, he embarked on a series of exquisitely exciting (for a modern white liberal) exercises in masochism as he explored the very white, very English world he inhabited and in all probability still inhabits. (The absence of non-white faces in Chiles’ wedding photos is made all the more enjoyable for normal, that is, politically incorrect people, because his then wife Jane Garvey, who is currently employed by the BBC as the presenter of the feminist propaganda vehicle Woman’s Hour, is an especially devout disciple of political correctness).

We decided to make a film—The Colour of Friendship [for the BBC]—that would attempt to find out whether mine was an isolated case or not; and whether 21st-century Britain really is a multi-cultural melting pot, or—if we’re brave enough to admit it—still a largely segregated nation.

Chiles worked with an all black team whilst making his programme. He finds being in the racial minority disconcerting:

As a white, middle-class male, very rarely have I found myself working in a minority—until now. This time, the producer, executive producer, researcher and camera crew on this documentary were all black. I was surprised to find that I couldn’t help feeling uncomfortable with the situation and grew increasingly defensive about it, although I was unable to articulate exactly why…

Chiles takes the all black TV crew to a Pakistani—run pub in West Bromwich (the area in the English midlands where he grew up) which he still regularly frequents and fondly imagines is an example of unalloyed multiculturalism in action. Much to his horror when they arrive he finds “the punters in the Sportsman turned out to be 95 per cent white. The only Asians in there were staff, serving beer and curry to groups of white blokes.” His liberal fantasy world has overcome reality.

Throughout the programme Chiles is constantly putting his liberal foot in it. When he recounts a story about how his wife could not say the word black when giving a description of someone his black producer Petal tells him that it “is typical behaviour for white people who don’t mix with black people. For God’s sake, it’s perfectly all right to call black people black!” At one point he uses the term “half-caste” and is covered in liberal horror when he is told “mixed-race” is the polite word these days. Most traumatically for Chiles (and hilariously for the politically incorrect), he meets Simon Darby of the West Midlands branch of the British National Party. Unsurprisingly, Darby complains that whites cannot celebrate their whiteness. This leads to the ultimate horror for a white liberal of being suspected by Petal of wanting to celebrate his whiteness: “Petal and me into a furious argument when he asserted that it is no longer possible to celebrate “whiteness” in Britain.

 I wondered aloud why it would be quite reasonable for Petal to say publicly that she was proud to be black, while for me to say that I was proud to be white would cast me, in some people’s eyes, as either a football hooligan or a Nazi.

 “So are you proud to be white?” Petal asked me.

 “Actually, no.” I shouted back, startling an elderly woman, who was struggling past with her shopping. “I just want to know what the difference is.”

In addition to these embarrassments Chiles constantly encounters the physical reality of racial and ethnic division. He visits Handsworth, and Hagley, towns stuck in the middle of the heavily black and Asian settled West Midlands and discovers Handsworth is almost entirely non-white and Hagley almost entirely white.

He also addresses racial separateness at the individual level when he meets Nigerian Didi Anolue who tell him she is “looking for a husband—specifically, a black Nigerian. She rules out marrying a white man, which sounds fine coming from her.

“But how would it sound if a white woman in Stourbridge declared she’d never marry a black bloke, I wondered. It would sound terrible. But what’s the difference?”

At the end of his Odyssey Chiles seeks answers to his questions:

If anyone would be able to answer my growing list of questions, it would be Dr Robert Beckford, who runs the Centre for Black Theology at the University of Birmingham. He told me the reason I am unable to assert that I’m proud to be white (not that I’d want to) is that “the language of whiteness has been appropriated by the far Right”, and it has to be taken back from them before people like me can understand what it means to be white and engage in a sensible debate about race. And another thing, he said: “Everyone’s always studying Afro-Caribbean culture or Asian culture. Why isn’t anyone studying white culture?’

Until that happens, I might never find out why I have no close black or Asian friends. But, whatever the reason, I don’t think it necessarily makes me a bad person.

The answers to Chiles’ questions

Chiles should not be surprised at what he finds because all he is displaying is normal human behaviour, namely, a selective preference for those who most resemble him. This is called assortative selection and is a trait widely found throughout the animal kingdom.

The strength of assortative selection in humans can be seen most easily in mating patterns. Even in such racially and culturally mixed areas as inner London, the number of mixed race relationships is remarkably small considering the apparent opportunities on offer. Indeed, the fact that there are shared external physical differences which cause human beings to classify people by race testifies to the general reluctance of humans to mate with those who radically differ from them in physical to mate with those who radically differ from them in physical appearance.

There are also differences in mating patterns where mixed race relationships occur. Women are more likely to take a mate of a different race than men and the higher the socio-economic class, the less likely that a mixed race relationship will exist.

These selective tendencies are very powerful. In Freakonomics Steven Levitt and Stephen Dubner cite a study made of a US dating site (the full story is on pp 80-84). The site is one of the largest in the US and the data examined covered 30,000 people equally divided between San Diego and Boston. Most were white but there was a substantial minority of non-white subjects.

The questionnaire the would-be daters had to fill in included a question choice on race as “same as mine” and “doesn’t matter”. The study compared the responses by white would-be daters (those from non-white were not analysed) to these questions with the race of the emails actually sent soliciting a date. The result in Levitt and Dubner’s words was:

Roughly half of the white women on the site and 80 percent of the white men declared that race didn’t matter to them. But the response data tell a different story. The white men who said that race didn’t matter sent 90 percent of their e-mail queries to white women. The white women who said race didn’t matter sent about 97 percent of their e-mail queries to white men.

Is it possible that race really didn’t matter for these white women and men and that they simply never happened to browse a non-white date that interested them?

Or, more likely, did they say that race didn’t matter because they wanted to come across especially to potential mates of their own race as open-minded?

In short, around 99% of all the women and 94% of all men in the sample were not willing to seek a date of a different race. How much stronger will be the tendency to refuse to breed with a mate of a different raceConsiderably greater one would imagine.

The effect of social and economic differences is that the higher up the social scale a white person is, the more likely they are to have meaningful social contact with non-whites. Moreover, the contact they do have is almost entirely with middle-class and very westernised blacks and Asians.

The truth which “white middle class liberals” like Mr Chiles find disconcerting is that they are much more likely to live in a very white world than the white working class whom they both despise and fear.

 The Chiles Test

Chile provides the answer:

The only thing I know for sure is that, in this multi-racial society, many middle-class whites have much less meaningful contact with black or Asian people than they would like to think. If you don’t believe me, check your wedding photos and your address book.

If the Chiles test is based on non-white faces in wedding photos, arguably the most potent indicator of social interaction, it is a fair bet that most white liberals would score perilously close to zero.

What did Chiles learn from his experiences? That the liberal fantasy of multiculturalism and multiracialism is just that, a fantasy and a most dangerous one because of the fractured society it produces? Don’t be silly the man’s a white liberal. At the time the programme was broadcast Chiles announced to the Birmingham Evening Mail that he “hopes his three-year-old daughter Evie will marry a black or Asian man one day (Aug 18 2003 Graham Young).

Chiles’ ignorance of the realities of racial and ethnic difference or a refusal to acknowledge them, is summed up in that wish. He fails utterly to understand that the conflict in heterogeneous societies is not merely between white and non-white, but amongst non-whites of different types and those of the same race but different origins, for example, in Britain blacks with West Indian ancestry are often at daggers drawn with blacks from Africa. He makes the mistake, which itself is an unconscious form of racism as defined by modern liberals, of lumping all non-whites together.

If his daughter does marry a “black or Asian man” she will not be decreasing racial and ethnic tension in Britain but increasing it, because the greater the heterogeneity the greater the mistrust and tension between racial and ethnic groups occupying the same territory.

http://englandcalling.wordpress.com/2012/12/02/the-chiles-test-for-white-liberal-racial-hypocrisy/

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Cancer Sufferer Refused Treatment by the NHS Attacks David Cameron, Forcing Him to Defend His £12billion Foreign Aid Bill

Thursday, August 9th, 2012

David Cameron was today forced to defend sending £12 billion abroad in foreign aid when confronted by a woman who may die because the NHS will not fund the cancer treatment she desperately needs.

The Prime Minister was taken to task during a live radio interview this morning where he denied Britain was wrong to have increased funding to other states by 37 per cent despite huge cuts to home budgets.

A non-Hodgkin lymphoma sufferer, who used the name Anna because some of her family do not know she is ill, asked him why taxpayers’ money was going to other countries – such as India, even though it can afford its own space programme – and not to people like her.

India also has almost three times as many billionaires as the UK.

The 68-year-old from north London has stopped cancer treatment because of a dangerous allergic reaction, and the drug she needs is available in Germany but not in her area.

Tragically she is also a full-time carer for her husband, but is so ill he has been forced to go into a care home and she is living alone at home on only £68 per week.

The Prime Minister told LBC listeners he would look at her case but the UK has a ‘moral obligation to help people in other countries even when times are tough,’ he said.

‘Breaking promises to the poorest people in the world would not be the right thing to do,’ he added, saying without the aid more foreigners would seek asylum in Britain.

Speaking to MailOnline Anna said Mr Cameron should be making sure people in Britain are well looked after first.

‘I understand what he is saying, but I would say to him if your family is starving you wouldn’t go and feed your neighbours. He should be looking after people here.

‘I have offered to pay my own airfare to Germany to get this treatment, but every day I wake up waiting for news of whether a charity can raise the £250,000 I need to pay for it. I know I may be one of many people in this situation and I don’t think that is right.

‘We put all this money into Europe but we are unable to go there and get something for it.

‘My husband has gone into a care home because I cannot care for him myself. I am just consumed with grief.

‘All I want is to get my husband back,’ she said tearfully, ‘My life has stopped completely and I haven’t even told my whole family that I am ill. My grandchildren are frightened of my wig and I just want them back here too.’

The Prime Minister said that the Coalition had increased spending on the NHS.

‘It is very important that people get treatment,’ he told LBC, ‘We have not cut spending to the NHS we have increased it.

‘We have the cancer drugs fund and we are looking to extend that.

‘We are having a tough time at the moment but we must keep promises to the poorest countries in the world.’

Mr Cameron is under huge pressure to freeze or even cut Britain’s foreign aid spending.

India is still receiving nearly £300million from British taxpayers in aid, for example, despite the country being rich enough to launch its own space programme.

Their own ministers even described the sum they received as ‘peanuts’.

A powerful committee of peers attacked the Prime Minister’s pledge to increase aid spending by 37 per cent to more than £12billion a year in order to meet an ‘arbitrary’ United Nations target.

They said they fully supported humanitarian aid for disaster zones. But they pointed out that it accounts for less than 10 per cent of the vast budget of the Department for International Development (DfID).

In a devastating verdict they warned that the rush to increase spending ‘risks reducing the quality, value for money and accountability’ of the aid programme.

The finding is a major embarrassment for Mr Cameron who is said, while in opposition, to have adopted the target of spending 0.7 per cent of Britain’s income on aid, partly to help ‘detoxify’ the Conservatives’ image as ‘the Nasty Party’.

The cross-party economic affairs committee said ministers seemed more interested in the amount of money they were spending on aid than the results they were achieving.

The committee’s chairman, former Tory Cabinet minister Lord MacGregor, said: ‘We were unanimous in our view that legislation for a 0.7 per cent target is inappropriate, and that the Government should reconsider.

‘We believe aid should be judged by the criteria of effectiveness and value for money, not by whether a specific arbitrary target is reached.’

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Nadja Drygalla, German Rower, To Leave Olympics Due To Boyfriend’s Reported Neo-Nazi Politics

Sunday, August 5th, 2012

Germany Rowing

The IOC might want to send German rower Nadja Drygalla home with a copy of the Olympic Charter, asking her to show her boyfriend the sixth of seven “Fundamental Principles Of Olympism.” A member of women’s eight crew team that was eliminated earlier this week, Drygalla has left the Olympic Village after reports at home have alleged that her boyfriend is a member of an extremist political party inspired by the Nazis.

Principles Of Olympism6. Any form of discrimination with regard to a country or a person on grounds of race, religion, politics, gender or otherwise is incompatible with belonging to the Olympic Movement.

 
Michael Vesper, the head of Germany‘s Olympic Association told the Associated Pressthat Drygalla is “committed to the values of the Olympic charter” but the 23-year-old is still leaving London in order to keep her love interest from becoming a “burden for the Olympic team.”

According to Reuters, media reports in Germany have identified Drygalla’s boyfriend as a member of the “Rostock National Socialists.” Per The GuardianReuters and various media outlets, German’s intelligence agency describes the far-right group as being racist and inspired by the Nazis.

Sadly, Drygalla’s early departure from London is not the first time that racism has been a topic of conversation during the 2012 Olympics. Before the Games even got underway, Greek triple jumper Voula Papachristou was expelled from her national team for a racist tweet. Papachristou reportedly also had ties to a far-right political group. During the Games, the Nigerian basketball team was subjected to racist taunts by fans of the Lithuanian team.

Perhaps the IOC should be handing out copies of that charter to everyone.

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Special Report – Russian Railways’ family connections

Wednesday, July 25th, 2012

To get an idea of how parts of the Russian economy still resemble the Soviet Union, take a look at Russian Railways. With 85,000 km of track, 1 million employees and turnover of $40 billion a year, the state run company remains a heavyweight symbol of the old command economy.

Now President Vladimir Putin‘s government has ordered the privatisation of a one-quarter stake in the company by the end of 2013. That’s starting to open up Russian Railways’ management and strategy to closer scrutiny – some of it unwelcome.

A Reuters investigation has identified business ties between the son of Russian Railways president Vladimir Yakunin and firms and businessmen linked to the railways giant. Andrey Yakunin, 37, a London-based investor, is pursuing a $500 million plan to build hotels across Russia, partly with the help of a subsidiary of the company run by his father. He also shared offices until recently with a private venture aiming to ship millions of tonnes of freight between Asia and Europe by Russian rail, rather than traditional sea routes.

While Andrey Yakunin is open about his business ties to Russian Railways – and there is no suggestion of any illegality in those links – the state rail monopoly has made only scant disclosures in filings to investors. In a statement to Reuters, Vladimir Yakunin denied any ties at all.

“It’s a huge cultural problem,” said Elena Panfilova, head of the Russian chapter of anti-corruption watchdog Transparency International. “The core management of Russian Railways comes from a past where it was not the norm to disclose any information, even if it’s public and even if it doesn’t hurt their operations. It would be much better to explain and show how these connections go.”

Andrey Yakunin denies that any conflicts arise through his dealings with companies linked to the state railways. But, in an interview with Reuters, he said he understood concerns over whether he might have gained an advantage from his father’s position.

Asked whether his partnership with the real estate arm of Russian Railways might raise questions of disclosure for the state rail monopoly, he said: “I agree, but I’m not getting money from them – I’m paying them.”

Nor was buying land from a subsidiary of Russian Railways any goldmine because of his father’s position, he said.

Though he had originally thought he had “direct access to the second-largest landowner in the country”, Andrey Yakunin said that, thanks to the complexities of land ownership in Russia, his connections were “no fast track to heaven”.

The elder Yakunin, 64, declined to be interviewed for this article. In a statement issued to Reuters, the firm said that there were no business links between Russian Railways, which is also known as RZhD, and Andrey.

“Concerning any financial interests on the part of RZhD and its president in the companies you name – they do not exist,” the statement said.

The statement declined to comment on individuals in business with Andrey Yakunin while also having roles at companies either controlled by or linked to Russian Railways.

THE RAILWAY BARON

In the system of Kremlin capitalism built by Putin since he first became president 12 years ago, Vladimir Yakunin is a quintessential insider. The son of a military pilot, he was brought up in Estonia, studied in St Petersburg and later flourished thanks to relationships he built both before and after the Soviet collapse in 1991.

Around the same time that Putin returned from his posting overseas as a KGB agent to start a political career in his native St Petersburg, Yakunin also arrived there, having left the Soviet mission to the United Nations in Vienna to go into business in Russia’s second city. The two men soon got to know each other.

On Putin’s rise to the presidency in 2000, Yakunin entered federal government and emerged in 2005, after a power struggle, as head of Russian Railways, which in many ways is the blood supply of the world’s largest country.

“Mr Putin once said that if you want to know the status of the Russian economy, you should look at the papers of the president of Russian Railways with the daily reports of the amount of cargo, the directions of delivery and amount of passengers.” Yakunin told the Daily Telegraph on a visit to London this year to market a bond offering by the railways.

The year after Yakunin became Russia’s train-driver-in-chief, his son founded a real-estate investment fund, based in London, with an Israeli-born investor called Yair Ziv. The firm began to develop plans for a chain of hotels aimed at business customers travelling across Russia, concentrating on major regional centres from Krasnodar to Khabarovsk.

In 2009 Andrey Yakunin struck a landmark deal with Rezidor, a company listed on the Stockholm stock exchange that has long experience operating hotels. Andrey’s company Regional Hotel Chain (RHC) would acquire and develop the sites and Rezidor would manage the hotels. Together they set about planning 20 hotels with, as Andrey said in an email to Reuters, a “fast and massive nationwide roll-out” in mind.

Andrey said the first three hotels in operation – in the provincial cities of Kazan, Astrakhan and Izhevsk – have nothing to do with RZhD. But plans for at least five other sites are next to or very near key rail stations, according to Rezidor.

To acquire suitable plots, Andrey Yakunin said his firm conducted a “rigorous selection process” to find a property consultant in Russia. It settled on Zheldoripoteka, a subsidiary of Russian Railways. Zheldoripoteka has since helped RHC to secure hotel sites, Andrey Yakunin said.

“We were able to locate a few land plots, which we did eventually acquire through Zheldoripoteka,” he said. They are next to or close to stations in key cities.

But he added that the relationship has not made it any easier for him to acquire land in a country where red tape and corruption make completing deals a challenge. “Without disrespect, the way they have built the process in the company for selling off something from the company’s assets is painful.”

WHAT’S IN A NAME?

Andrey Yakunin is not averse to playing up family associations as he seeks investors for his ambitious hotel plan.

“Yakunin is a brand of a sort,” he told Reuters in an interview over lunch in May at the trendy Blackberry Café in downtown Moscow.

The eagle-eyed might notice that the initials of his private equity and real-estate fund, Venture Investment & Yield Management are strikingly similar to those of his father Vladimir I. Yakunin. They might notice, too, that VIYM’s St Petersburg office is headed by Andrey’s younger brother, Viktor, who has worked for Gunvor, an oil trading firm run by billionaire Gennady Timchenko who also got to know Putin well in the St Petersburg of the 1990s.

But Andrey, a fluent English speaker whose string of qualifications includes an executive MBA from London Business School, said he avoids potential conflicts of interest. “I have to be very careful about industries that maybe I find interesting, but I just stay away from … because I don’t want to create any trouble,” he said.

He said he had turned down an opportunity to tender for fast-food concessions at Russian train stations, adding with a laugh: “I’m still crying over it.”

His father, a champion of conservative moral and religious causes, flatly denies any personal link to his son’s company VIYM, saying in a statement that its initials “bear no meaning besides the creation of an abbreviation.”

“All attempts to extrapolate from this coincidence any kind of affiliation with the head of Russian Railways amount to fiction,” added the statement issued by his office in response to questions submitted by Reuters.

Arild Hovland, Rezidor’s Russia country manager, told Reuters that the Swedish hotel operator had a relationship with Andrey Yakunin before partnering with RHC and had accepted assurances that he had no business link with his father or Russian Railways.

“Of course we looked at the background of Andrey Yakunin and, sure, we are aware of his father as the top official in Russian Railways,” Hovland said. “However, they assured us that there is a firewall between the investment company that is owning the Regional Hotel Chain and Russian Railways.”

Russian Railways has felt no need to detail Andrey’s relationship with a subsidiary of the company headed by his father. RHC’s partnership with Zheldoripoteka, the real estate arm of Russian Railways, was not made clear in any of the prospectuses for billions of dollars in bonds recently issued by the state rail company.

SHARED OFFICE

Hotels are not the only connection between the RZhD and the London office of Andrey Yakunin’s VIYM. The premises on the 16th floor of the Marble Arch Tower, at 55 Bryanston Street in London’s West End were also home, until early July, to another occupant looking to ride the footplate of Russia’s rail opportunities: a firm called Far East Land Bridge.

FELB is a freight-forwarding company that joined with a subsidiary of Russian Railways called Transcontainer to offer rail freight transport between Europe and Asia – a potentially lucrative market. While the overland route from China to Europe through Russia is relatively direct, freight sent by ship must travel via the Indian Ocean and Suez Canal. At 18 to 24 days the land bridge takes roughly half the time of seaborne shipments. Among the other advantages FELB claims are lower costs per tonne and more flexibility in changing final destinations during transport.

The company, which this month moved its headquarters to Vienna, is controlled through a nominee-based structure originating in Cyprus. There it uses the same company secretary and the same office address in Nicosia as a number of VIYM-related entities, documents show. Cyprus is a popular offshore venue for Russian businesses because it does not require companies to disclose their beneficial owners.

One of FELB’s web sites is registered in the name of Yair Ziv, Andrey Yakunin’s partner at the real estate investment fund VIYM, according to a web registry. Ziv declined to comment in response to e-mailed questions regarding VIYM and FELB. And Andrey Yakunin, who set up VIYM with Ziv in 2006, said he was “not involved at all” in FELB.

“Yair does a lot of things in his own right, and if I know about 5 percent of what he’s doing, maybe I’m flattering myself,” he said.

But Vladimir Yakunin’s statement that neither he nor Russian Railways had a financial interest in FELB is contradicted by statements and filings made by a subsidiary of Russian Railways called Transcontainer. London-listed Transcontainer recently sold its stake in FELB to a firm called RZhD Logistika that was set up in 2010 and is 100 percent owned by Russian Railways. RZhD Logistika announced on June 29 that it had completed the purchase of a 10 percent stake in FELB and intended to raise it to 25 percent.

Andrey Zhemchugov, a spokesman for Transcontainer, described the FELB equity and debt transfer as an “intra-holding optimisation” within the Russian Railways group. In a recent filing, Transcontainer said that FELB was “in fact controlled by the RZhD group”.

How such joint ventures between RZhD and private firms will be affected by the part-privatisation of the state company has yet to become clear. The potential risks and rewards on all sides are high. Vladimir Yakunin estimates a 25 percent holding in RZhD to be worth $8 billion, but government officials reckon it nearly three times higher.

Yakunin argues that it makes “no sense” to sell a stake in Russian Railways as a whole, and it would be better to continue his strategy of spinning off and selling operating units. But Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev recently accelerated the privatisation plans – with the stake in Russian Railways to be sold by the end of next year.

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Amy Winehouse’s boyfriend charged with rape

Friday, June 29th, 2012

Reg Traviss, a film director who was in a relationship with Winehouse when she died, was arrested in April by London’s Metropolitan Police.

Rebecca Mundy, a lawyer in the London rape and serious sexual offences unit of the Crown Prosecution Service, said: “I have authorised the Metropolitan Police to charge Reginald Traviss with two counts of rape.”

She said the alleged offences took place between December 29, 2011 and January 1, 2012.

Traviss, 35, is due to appear at Westminster Magistrates’ Court in central London on July 17.

Grammy-winner Winehouse died of alcohol poisoning at her home in north London in July 2011.

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8 Indians with expired visas held in UK

Monday, June 11th, 2012

 Twelve people, including eight Indians who had overstayed their visas, have been arrested following three separate raids by immigration officials in the London borough of Croydon.

Acting on information, officers raided two residential addresses and an Indian restaurant and arrested twelve people, official sources here said.

At the first residential address they arrested a 21-year-old Pakistani male who had sought leave to remain by deception.

At the second location they arrested eight male Indian nationals aged between 23 and 46 who had all overstayed their visas.

Officers carried out checks on staff at the Indian restaurant to ensure they had the right-to-work in the UK.

They arrested three students who had overstayed their visas, a 19-year-old Afghani male and Pakistani men aged 22 and 28.

The 22-year-old attempted to escape through the back door but was stopped by officers.

The restaurant was served with a notice which warned that it could be fined up to 10,000 pounds for each illegal worker arrested unless it can prove that the correct right-to-work checks were carried out.

Eleven of the 12 arrested are currently in immigration detention, while the UK Border Agency takes steps to remove them from the country at the earliest.

A 26-year-old Indian has been granted immigration bail while his case is dealt with.

Paula Tucker, head of the UK Border Agency’s Croydon local immigration team, said: “We carry out hundreds of operations like this every year across London and where we find people who are in the UK illegally we will seek to remove them.”

She added: “Illegal working has a serious impact on communities, undermining legitimate businesses and taking jobs from those who are genuinely allowed to work.”

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Thousands of Turkish women gather in Istanbul to protest government plans to curb abortion

Monday, June 4th, 2012

Thousands of demonstrators on Sunday staged the largest protest yet against plans by Turkey’s Islamic-rooted government to curb abortion, which critics say will amount to a virtual ban.

Around 3,000 women — their ages ranging from 20 to 60 years old — gathered at a square in Istanbul’s Kadikoy district. Some carried banners that read “my body, my choice” and shouted anti-government slogans.

Many of the women were accompanied by husbands and boyfriends. One young protester — her left fist clenched aloft — carried a placard that read “State, take your hands off my body,” while a man waved a slogan reading “My darling’s body, my darling’s choice.”

Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has called abortion “murder,” and his government is reportedly working on legislation to ban the operation after 4 weeks from conception, except in emergencies.

Fusun Sirkeci, a London-based obstetrician and gynecologist, said in an email Saturday that most women don’t learn they are pregnant until after 4 weeks and it is also difficult to establish the placement of the pregnancy sac during that period.

Abortion is presently legal in Turkey up to 10 weeks from conception.

“They say it is my body, my choice. Feminists say this,” Erdogan said Saturday during a rally in the country’s southeast. “No one has the right to abort a fetus in a body.”

Analysts say Erdogan is pursuing a delicate strategy of beefing up Turkey’s regional power with a large population, while trying to balance the country’s demographics in the face of a high birth rate among the country’s Kurds, a source of concern for Turkey since it is engaged in a bitter fight against Kurdish rebels who want autonomy in the largely Kurdish southeast.

Remarks by members of Erdogan’s ruling Justice and Development Party, however, have also revealed deep-rooted moral and religious concerns.

Health Minister Recep Akdag caused an outcry Thursday when he told reporters that if necessary the government would even look after the babies of “rape victims.” Facing criticism, he said Saturday that he did not mean rape victims can never have an abortion.

Deniz Ulke Aribogan, a professor of international relations at Istanbul’s Bilgi University, wrote in Aksam newspaper Friday that the government was seeking to use abortion to balance the Kurds’ high birth rate, since “ethnic reproduction is used by some organizations as a political tool” — an apparent reference to the rebel Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, that is fighting for autonomy, and a pro-Kurdish political party also demanding the same.

“The problem is the rapid rise of population in eastern regions, while it has almost came to a standstill in western regions,” Aribogan wrote, adding that the decision had been taken for political reasons, rather than out of moral or religious concern.

The largely Kurdish southeast has the highest birth rate in Turkey with 27.3 births in every 1,000, compared to 11,4 births in the northwest, according to the latest available figures in 2010 by the Turkish Statistical Institute. More than 25 percent of Turkey’s nearly 75 million population is under the age of 14, according to a December survey.

Tino Sanandaji, a post-doctoral fellow at Chicago University who researches demographic change and its link to policy, said in an email Saturday that in the long run the higher Kurdish growth rate is certain to have social and political implications, although the process is “quite slow” for now.

“If it continues for four to five decades, however, the balance of power could start shifting, which is what seems to concern Turkish nationalists,” he said.

Sirkeci warned in her email of the dangers of a virtual ban saying it will force “some women to terminate themselves which could potentially be fatal or disabling.”

Sirkeci said any ban would also create an illegal market for abortions, and have a huge psychological impact on women.

“I feel the danger is very obvious,” she said.

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First Results of the V-1 Major Impact, Inadequate Defences by Harald Jansen

Friday, May 18th, 2012

How has the war changed as a result of the advent of the V-1? The whole world is asking this question. New names, thoughts, and combinations result from the device, which day and night thunders down with fiery blows on the city on the Thames. The twilight of uncertainty prevails. Will it be overcome in a few days or weeks, or will a new weapon develop from it, just as happened with the airplane between the last war and this one?

There is a new wheel in the machinery of war, the river is flowing in a different direction. The first news was a sensation thoughout the world. Over the thundering of this weapon, we see how it changes all previous tactical considerations.

It was an evening a few weeks before the first use of this weapon. We were sitting on the old terrace of a chateau. German formations heading toward England thundered above us. We were quiet as we listened to them. Finally a captain who had seen duty in the last war shook his head thoughtfully and said: “London is like a large spider’s web. A fifth of all Englishmen live there, and it has a high percentage of its critical industry. It can be wounded. Our cities are webs, too, but not as sensitive, since none of them has so central a place in population or industry. We can hit part of the dock facilities with our incendiary and explosive bombs, but repair work on the web will begin the next day. Our cities are just as resilient! The air war will be inadequate as long as it is not constant, every hour, every minute. When our new explosives are ready to hit London, one will tear a gap in the web, to be followed immediately by another, bringing traffic to a halt. The spider of this large web must not be allowed to rest.”

Weeks passed and now the missiles fly overhead. The invasion concentrated men and material in the southeast of the island, and increased their vulnerability. Even in the first week, there was a division of labor between German warplanes and the new weapon. The long-range bombers received an ally. The V-1 took its place. This is unsettling for our opponents, and represents a two-fold danger to their war effort, unless they find a defense as quickly as possible.

The enemy’s propaganda is based on the glories of four-motored bombers, on the fanfare of air power and shouts of triumph over burning German cities. The citizens of London were told: “1940 will not be repeated. The Germans can no longer do anything to us.” Still, they built the densest system of flak in the empire around London during the past five years.

The extent of the use of the new weapon is not yet clear, but it is certain that it has had a powerful effect on enemy morale, making the mass’s power of resistance sensitive and uncertain. The masses were living in expectation of rapid victory. They had pleasant dreams of having only 100 yards to go, when suddenly they hit a new wall. At first they were blinded, poking around looking for a way to eliminate the problem. Overnight the invasion leadership has a second front — the V-1 front. It is graver, more serious than a daily bombing attack on London. Since the ordinary means of defense failed, a significant part of their air force must be redirected to search for the launching pads. Scouts, fighters, fighter-bombers and four-motored bombers have been diverted, taking them away from the task of supporting the ground forces. While the German air force is free to attack enemy bridgeheads, the enemy must divert his forces from the west. The Anglo-American air forces have to fight on two different fronts, located several hundred kilometers apart.

There is a second question. How do the new warheads compare with the bombs of long-range bombers? A terror attack by a large fleet of bombers follows a regular pattern. A sector in a city is attacked. It receives the mass of bombs. Why? Fire and ruins seal off a part of the city, rendering assistance impossible. There is a clear purpose. Frequently three or four incendiary bombs land next to each other, even though one would be sufficient.

During an air attack, the population stays in basements and shelters while the incendiary and explosive bombs fall above them. Once the all-clear sounds, however, they are free once again to move about. That is why air attacks are “incomplete.” Individuals now form a community that battles the fires, moves aside the rubble, and prepares further defenses. To fight this, the Anglo-American terror specialists used delayed action bombs. But they, too, are quickly neutralized by bomb experts. This makes the impact of the new weapon clear.

It is clear that defending one’s air space takes more manpower than attacking it does. Any new tactical weapon that gives the enemy any chance to resist at all — as for example is the case with the V-1, which can be seen in flight — puts an enormous burden on the defender.

Consider an example. 300 German bombers with crews totaling 1200 men attack London. We naturally do not know the exact strength of the night fighters that oppose them, but it probably is about the same numerically. To that must be added the ground defense forces, an estimated 100,000 to 150,000 troops. It takes about the same resources to manufacture the anti-aircraft shells as it takes to manufacture the German bombs.

Nonetheless the enemy has to admit that London’s air defenses, its best technology, its constant practice, and its best ideas have failed to deal with German tactics. This is clear proof that a numerically inferior air force can keep forces ten to a hundred times stronger in check, holding down large enemy forces.

What does that have to do with the new German warheads? The enemy has naturally observed the flight paths of the warheads, even photographed them, and learned that their speed is remarkably high. He has concluded the flight paths are more like those of aircraft than artillery shells. That means that he has to devote his full defensive capacity to opposing the secret weapons. He has been forced to establish a chain of flak boats along his coast. From the coast to London, the tracers of light and medium flak fill the sky and the shells flash. At night the lights of night fighters are visible, during the day the fastest Spitfires are in action. A few months back Eisenhower told his pilots: “You’ll get no sleep for days and weeks. You must give everything you have for the invasion.” These plans have collapsed. If the V-1’s only goal had been to disrupt the enemy’s plans, it would be well on the way to success.

London announces that the following is known:

The new warheads fly at elevations between 500 and 2000 meters. It is a steerable device resembling an airplane. The “flying robots” have engines that can be heard a long way off and leave a trail visible at a considerable distance against a clear sky.

That is sufficient to justify the greatest defensive efforts. Several train loads of shells have been fired, to no avail. But one has to shoot to calm the population. This is terribly expensive. But the German fire goes on day and night, interrupted by powerful explosions in the city, and something must be done. Even he who is convinced that the defensive fire accomplishes nothing will have to take shelter from the falling flak.

One can draw these conclusions after the first weeks:

  1. British-American air activity has been interrupted by diverting major forces along the V-1 flight paths;
  2. Despite extremely active use of flak, the enormous defensive machinery has completely and absolutely failed;
  3. The transportation system and economic life in London and the southeast of England has been seriously disrupted;

And there is the unsettling knowledge that there now is the ability to attack the island without enormous and costly air armadas. Who can stop the weapon from immediately seeking out the most important target: London!

It is certainly true that an omnipotent miracle weapon will always remain the dream of uncombative souls. As a young lieutenant said as he rapped his knuckles against the steel flank of the new weapon: “We want to announce that you have done a lot to us. Now it is time to turn back the clock.” A corporal standing next to him nodded. His family was buried by bombs in Berlin. They and others had worked 73 hours without sleeping. There were deep bags under their eyes. Then they loaded the warhead. It is this spirit, and German genius, that will determine the outcome of this war for our existence.

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KARSKI, JAN

Friday, May 4th, 2012

(Born 1914) A courier for the Polish underground who in November 1942 brought information to London reporting the deportation and mass murder of Jews. He met with Allied leaders and delivered a message from Jewish underground sources demanding help and action.

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