Posts Tagged ‘Nazi’

Jail term for neo-Nazi protestor sparks outcry

Monday, January 21st, 2013
Photo: DPA

Hundreds of demonstrators have protested in Dresden following the sentence of an anti-Nazi demonstrator to nearly two years in jail without the possibility of parole for aggravated assault and rioting, the Sächische Zeitiung reported on Saturday.

Tim H., a 36-year-old Berliner and father of a two-year-old with no previous criminal record, was sentenced on Wednesday to 22 months in jail for encouraging fellow demonstrators at an anti-Nazi rally in February 2011 to break a police barrier. His lawyer is appealing the sentence.

The Dresden judge ruled that because four policemen were injured as a result of that action, Tim H. is responsible. The Berliner Zeitung reported that Tim H.’s crime was “using a megaphone” at a demonstration in which 10,000 anti-Nazi protestors faced 3,000 neo-Nazis.

The district attorney admitted that Tim H. did not throw anything at the police and did not hit or otherwise injure any police officers. He was held responsible for the injuries because, in his view, Tim H. provoked the attacks by inciting the crowd via megaphone.

Sven Richwin, Tim H’s attorney, said the words “go forward, go forward” could be heard on the police video and there were no calls for violence.

Richwin doubts that his client can even be seen on the police video and the prosecutor’s main witness exonerated Tim H. Witnesses who viewed the demonstration from their balcony said Tim H. was not the person they saw behind the megaphone.

Additionally four police witnesses could not identify Tim H. Richwin expects to win the case on appeal.

Nearly 500 demonstrators heeded the call from the organization “Nazi-Free Dresden” to protest the ruling in downtown Dresden. They yelled “We are all Tim” and protest speakers blasted the Dresden court, saying the ruling was a farce. Anti-fascist protestors are criminalized in Dresden, speakers told the crowd.

Top politicians from the centre-left Social Democratic Party, the Greens and the socialist Left party also condemned the sentence. Katja Kipping, the head of The Left, said the ruling was designed to scare others away. “I’m ashamed of this,” the Dresden-born politician said.

Well-known Greens MP Hans-Christian Ströbele said the ruling would not deter him from demonstrating in Dresden again. Former parliamentary (Bundestag) president Wolfgang Thierse called Dresden justice “peculiar” and labeled the ruling “strange.”

Enhanced by Zemanta

Parents fear their children drifting to the far right

Wednesday, November 7th, 2012

Swastikas and far-right music in the bedroom, hate-speech against minorities – a child who drifts into the far-right scene is a nightmare for many parents.

“It was definitely the most horrible time of my life – sleepless nights, tears, depression. Two years of pure hell.” That’s how the mother of Kai (name changed) described the time when her son was part of the far-right scene.

Claudia Hempel, author of a new book entitled “When Children Drift into the Far Right,” says it’s mainly the mothers who fight for their children and actively look for help, while fathers often say that it will pass, or else “let their worries eat into them.”

Hempel has talked to Kai’s mother and many others about walking the difficult line between distancing yourself from racism, xenophobia and violence and trying not to lose your child to extremism. She spent two years looking for parents who were prepared to speak anonymously about their children’s far-right extremism.

Parents who are not themselves in the far-right scene are ashamed when their son or daughter glorify National Socialism, or preach violence or xenophobia, or even attack people. They ask themselves, “What did we do wrong?” If they seek help, then schools or youth welfare offices often imply that they must be at fault.

But political scientist Reiner Becker says that the causes of such a development are not just to be found at home. Schools, peers, and the political culture young people live in are equally important.

Kahl geschorene Koepfe vor einer Fahne mit dem Hessenwappen waehrend der Kundgebung von Rechtsextremisten am Samstag, 5.April 2003, in Neumuenster, die gegen die hier gezeigte Wehrmachtsausstellung demonstrierten. Gegen den Aufmarsch der Rechtsextremisten protestierten Mitglieder linker Gruppierungen und der Gewerkschaft. (AP Photo/Heribert Proepper)<br />
The far-right scene offers young people a sense of strength and camaraderie

The lure of evil

As part of a study, Becker interviewed many far-right young people and their parents. He now runs a counseling network in the German state of Hesse, which provides advice to schools, clubs and local communities as well as parents.

Becker’s network has noticed that children are drifting into right-wing cliques at a younger and younger age – sometimes as young as 10. Becker believes that as puberty begins earlier and earlier, so does the temptation to join forbidden, “evil” scenes. “It’s a way to really horrify adults in a way that other forms of expression and other youth cultures don’t do anymore.”

That’s how it was for Kai, though his mother only found that out much later. He and his friend were approached on a playground one evening by a group of young neo-Nazis. Before they began talking about ideologies, they offered the boys beers and cigarettes, treated them as adults, and spoke to them for a long time.

Later they started wearing clothes fashionable in the far-right scene, and displayed symbols that their parents didn’t even understand at first. Kai and his friend were introduced to illegal music whose lyrics deliberately incited hatred and violence. Kai’s mother once found a baseball bat and a knife in his bedroom.

“Nowadays, I only need to lure kids with music – that’s all the political education they need,” one activist told Becker from prison. One boy he recruited confirms as much: “If you listen to it in the morning after you wake up, in the afternoon after school and at night before you go to bed, sooner or later you believe it.”

Responsibility of the older generation

Wilhelm Heitmeyer of the Institute for International Conflict and Violence Research at the University of Bielefeld believes that the need for recognition, for belonging to a group, and for a feeling of strength are important motives for joining extremist groups that despise weaker groups like immigrants, Jews, Muslims, gays, the homeless or the handicapped.

But one of the institute’s long-term studies also shows that antipathy towards such groups is actually more prevalent in Germany’s over-60s generation than among young people. While the younger generation is more likely to resort to violence, the study concluded that their grandparents’ generation also had to take some of the blame for the social climate that leads to that violence.

Parents often do not understand the far-right symbolism

Hempel also discovered that the young far-right extremists did not necessarily come from disadvantaged backgrounds. “I was completely surprised that I found myself in nice housing estates, or sitting on swing seats in plush gardens and villas. I was sitting on middle class sofas,” she said.

These parents did not believe at first that their child had really become an extremist, partly because they were influenced by media images of the far-right: “These bull-necked skinheads who walk around in bomber jackets and Doc Martens boots and shout blunt slogans – the stupid far-right,” one mother told Hempel. “And then there was my child: open, sensitive, intelligent, and far-right? No, I couldn’t imagine it – it didn’t fit the picture I always had.”

The difficult search for help

Many parents only realized that their child had drifted into the far-right scene when the police or the intelligence agency was standing in front of the door – their son had come to the attention of authorities because of swastika graffiti, Hitler salutes or hate-speech.

That soon creates stress in the family, and parents find they need help because their children are becoming less and less responsive, despite endless questions, discussions, and appeals.

Kai’s mother spoke to the local school director, but he only assured her that there was no far-right extremism at his school. The youth welfare office said simply that Kai was simply rebelling against the fact that he was the child of a divorced parents. Meanwhile, his mother’s anxieties grew and grew. “It was like a swamp we were sinking deeper and deeper into.”

Hempel knows that this is no isolated case. Parents seeking help often find either that their worries get trivialized, or that they have to take the blame. “Many parents have to make an odyssey to find adequate help,” says Becker. The Hesse network is only a test project, like those in a few other states. Many alternatives are limited in time and “not particularly well-known.”

Bernd Wagner – Mitbegründer der Organisation „Exit-Deutschland“, Foto gemacht in Berlin, 02.2012, Autor Maciej Wisniewski.<br />
Korrespondent PolenAdvice centers can help neo-Nazis leave the far-right scene

Advice centers can help decode some of the symbols of the far-right scene. They help parents find out how deep their children have got themselves into the far-right scene. They support them in maintaining the balancing act of finding a positive relationship with their child, and setting boundaries. Many families no longer allow their children out of the house in neo-Nazi clothing, throw extremist CDs and propaganda away, and argue over and over again against antidemocratic prejudices and neo-Nazism.

But, Heitmeyer emphasizes that however much pressure is applied, parents need to offer their familial relationship as an alternative to the far-right scene: “It’s a myth that far-right groups have this camaraderie – there is also violence within the groups, and this aggression is of course lessened the stronger the outside pressure is.”

Hempel says parents have to make one thing clear to their children: “I totally condemn what you do, think, and read. I consider it fundamentally wrong, hateful and antidemocratic. But you are and will always be our child, and we love you.”

State cuts

But walking this tightrope is almost impossible without support. Kai’s mother finally found a counseling center after months of searching. It was the first time she had the feeling that someone understood her problems.

At the same time, Kai asked for help to leave the far-right scene. He was scared, because neo-Nazis were threatening him. The center helped Kai to get in contact with another former neo-Nazi, and his mother was very grateful for the support.

And she was appalled when she read that state subsidies for the program were to be cut. “I think it’s absurd. It was so difficult to find anyone at all. There were no flyers, no newspaper ads, nothing. They should be visible everywhere!”

On her book tours, Hempel has noticed that there is still a big need for public education on these matters. She was approached by several parents who told her they had concerns about their own child, but had not spoken to anyone about it, because they were ashamed and felt helpless.

Sometimes neo-Nazis and people from far-right organizations come to her readings, and Hempel does not avoid talking to them. Mostly, she says, her experience has been positive, because it’s been easy to expose their hate-filled ideas. “Then these groups quickly discredit themselves,” says Hempel. By the end of the evening, she says, elements of society that often stay silent emerge stronger.

Enhanced by Zemanta

Facing possible ban German far-right changes tack

Tuesday, September 4th, 2012

At a rally of Germany’s biggest far-right party, skinheads raise fists to nationalist chants and wear T-shirts that skirt the limits of German law: “Enforce National Socialism” reads one; another proclaims the wearer to be “100 percent un-kosher.” Some cover illegal neo-Nazi tattoos with masking tape because police are on the prowl.

But the party’s leader insists he is taking his National Democratic Party mainstream.

“My aim is to make the NPD a party firmly based in the present and looking toward the future,” Holger Apfel said in an interview at the rally. Breaking a far-right taboo, he told The Associated Press that Nazi Germany’s record during World War II included “crimes.”

Apfel has tactical reasons for toning down his message: Authorities are currently considering a ban on the party. Yet the attempt to appeal to the center has prompted anger in the country’s small but entrenched ultra-right movement, where many refuse to acknowledge that Germany under Nazism — or National Socialism — was responsible for the slaughter of 6 million Jews. Some NPD members have left; others threaten to do so.

Despite talk of change, it doesn’t take long for Apfel to show his own flashes of hardcore xenophobia, which extend to seeing a threat to the “biological basis” of the German people.

“We … have to ensure that Germany again becomes the country of the Germans,” he said. “We see the growing danger that the biological basis of our people will wither away because there’s an increasing mixing.”

He frowned when asked his feelings about the success of Marcel Nguyen, a half-Vietnamese gymnast who won two silver medals for Germany at the 2012 Olympics.

“I can freely say it’s not something that causes me euphoria,” Apfel said, before hastily adding: “But you won’t see us calling for the deportation of half-breed children.”

Signs ordered reporters at the NPD’s summer festival in Viereck not to take pictures of stalls selling extremist books, CDs and pamphlets. A large poster at the entrance to the booths compared the rising number of foreigners in Germany to the shrinking number of ethnic Germans.

The government’s decision to weigh an NPD ban follows the revelation last November that a small neo-Nazi cell carried out a seven-year killing spree which left nine immigrants and a policewoman dead.

Authorities haven’t been able to prove that the cell operated with direct support from the NPD. But key party officials have been linked to the group’s three core members, who managed to evade police for over a decade despite being on the run for other crimes.

Angela Merkel considers the NPD “anti-democratic, xenophobic, anti-Semitic and therefore also a threat to the constitution,” the German chancellor’s spokesman, Steffen Seibert, told reporters. But a previous attempt to outlaw the party was rebuffed by the country’s top court in 2003 and officials are treading carefully before deciding later this year whether to launch a new bid to have the party banned.

Apfel’s appeal to mainstream voters runs parallel to the emergence of several new German ultranationalist fringe groups on both sides of the NPD.

One calls itself “The Immortals.” It has staged apparently spontaneous nighttime marches in small towns, protesting what it regards as an excessive influx of foreigners threatening the racial purity of the German nation. Chilling videos showing dozens of people wearing white masks and carrying burning torches have been uploaded to YouTube.

Despite their sophisticated online presence, The Immortals play a minor role compared to the so-called Autonomous Nationalists, according to Toralf Staud, a German journalist who has written extensively about the far right. In August, more than 900 police officers raided homes and clubhouses belonging to Autonomous Nationalist groups in western Germany. They seized computer hard drives, weapons and far-right propaganda material — including 1,000 election posters for the NPD.

A top official in Germany’s most populous state said this proves that the NPD is allied with the new far-right groups.

“This shows the close links between this right-extremist party and the neo-Nazi scene in North Rhine-Westphalia,” said Ralf Jaeger, the state’s interior minister.

Meanwhile, the “Pro Germany” movement represents a newer strand of ultranationalism capitalizing on German fears of Islamic extremism. Some of its chapters have gained seats in local assemblies in recent years by advocating a ban on the construction of mosques. But unlike most far-right groups, Pro Germany publicly disavows anti-Semitism.

There are no reliable estimates for the number of members these new fringe groups have. Authorities estimate that they number in the several thousands, with many more who sympathize with the cause but aren’t actively involved.

Kerstin Koeditz, a left-wing lawmaker, said the proliferation of extremist groups has been helped by what she described as “a new wave of xenophobia from the heart of society.” Persistent high joblessness in the east, growing anti-Muslim sentiment since 9/11, and fears that a collapse of the euro could destroy the German economy have given far-right groups plenty of political talking points, she said.

Koeditz, who sits in the state parliament of Saxony for the Left Party, says far-right groups have also become more adept at evading laws in recent years. German law forbids the display of Nazi symbols and any public glorification of Adolf Hitler, so many groups host their websites abroad and use anonymous online message boards to communicate.

Another reason for Germany’s inability to keep up with emerging far-right groups is an unwieldy apparatus in which dozens of different law enforcement and intelligence agencies failed to talk to each other.

Germany’s security services admit that although the number of registered members of nationalist parties is declining — the NPD had 6,300 members last year compared to 6,600 in 2010 — the number of violent far-right extremists is rising. Authorities say there are 9,800 violent extremists, up 300 from 9,500 in 2010. These are people who have been involved in violence or who are linked to groups that explicitly advocate violence.

The domestic intelligence agency’s annual report on extremism counted almost 17,000 far-right crimes in 2011, up slightly from the previous year. Of those, 755 were classed as violent crimes, such as attempted murder, arson or resisting arrest. The agency noted in its report that “one has to reckon with the existence and creation of right-wing terror groups as well as activities by individual right-wing terrorists.”

“The vast majority of the neo-Nazi scene cooperates with the NPD or supports it regularly,” the report found. It added that members of fringe groups who aid the party do so in the hope that “they will see a personal benefit from the election successes of the NPD.”

The NPD receives over €1 million in government funding annually thanks to seats it holds in two state parliaments and experts say a ban on the party — with the loss of its offices — could disrupt the nationalist movement.

“But in the medium term the cadres of the NPD would continue in other organizations,” said Staud.

At the party’s summer rally, the evening ends with a sing-along that includes the line “I like Adolf.”

Apfel, meanwhile, says he is not worried about a possible ban.

Pressed to elaborate on his comments about acknowledging Germany’s past crimes — and to say whether that includes the Holocaust — Apfel pauses.

“You know very well that it’s illegal to openly discuss certain issues in Germany,” he said.

Enhanced by Zemanta

Hitler-Brand Wines and Europe’s Debate Over the Limits of Free Speech

Tuesday, August 28th, 2012

wines aug27 p.jpg

The Fuhrer is causing a furor. Italian winemaker Vini Lunardelli‘s breathtakingly tasteless line of Nazi-themed wines has offended again, with two American tourists understandably peeved about discovering some bottles adorned with Adolf Hitler’s image in a shop in Veneto province. The Italian-produced wines bear dozens of different labels displaying, with no hint of irony, such names as “Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer!” (a Nazi slogan meaning “One people, one empire, one ruler”), “Der Prosecco Vom Führer,” and, simply, “FÜHRERWEIN.” Another line bears the images and slogans of Benito Mussolini and his fascist regime.

The American tourists, incensed (one of them noted that her father lived through Auschwitz), protested to Italian authorities and to the local, and then international, media. “We would think of it as neo-Nazism,” one told the U.K. Telegraph. “It makes you wonder about the sympathies of the local people.” You don’t have to be Jewish or the child of a Holocaust survivor to find the wine labels appalling and odious, but it doesn’t hurt. Local prosecutors say they’ve opened a formal inquiry, and a cabinet-level Italian minister issued a statement to “reassure our American friends” and to condemn the wines for “compromising the image of Italy abroad.”
Italian officials might be expressing shock, but the Vini Lunardelli wines have been offending for almost two decades, and this is not their first international incident. There’s no doubt that Führerwine is offensive, and it’s difficult to know the vintner’s motivations for sure. But it might reflect less “neo-Nazi sympathies” and more a crass willingness to exploit shock value and Europe’s particular sensitivities to the fascist legacy — not to mention the international media attention that comes with infuriating foreign governments — to make a few bucks. And it seems to be effective.

Lunardelli launched their “Historical Series” in 1993, printing labels bearing “personages of Italian and world political history.” The first Führer vintage was introduced in 1995, becoming “a great marketing success,” the winemaker later told Decanter. In 1997, the German government began lodging official complaints. Germany takes the Nazi legacy very, very seriously: neo-Nazi parties are illegal, Hitler’s autobiography Mein Kampf has been officially banned for decades, and the German Parliament almost blocked approval for a relatively straightforward genetic testing law, apparently over the echoes of Nazi eugenics programs. By 2003, Germany’s battle against Lunardelli had so escalated that the German justice minister wrote a formal letter to her Italian counterpart asking for Italy consider shutting down the “contemptible and tasteless” wines. The German state of Bavaria, the closest to Italy, opened an investigation as to whether any bottles had crossed the border.
Nothing came of it at first. Then, in early 2007, some German tourists ended up buying some number of the wines while in Italy. It’s not clear how their purchases became public, but it re-sparked the old controversy. In September, Italian police finally moved against the wines,confiscating bottles for their “glorification of the perpetrators of crimes against humanity.” The public prosecutor, according to Lunardelli, accused the winemakers of being Nazi apologists. Like in Germany, Italian law forbids the glorification of the 1930s fascist regime that helped spark World War Two, which cost tens of millions of lives. But, one month after police had seized the wines, an Italian judge ruled that they were OK to sell; the second time that Lunardelli had been exonerated of promoting fascism.
It’s a sign of Germany’s sensitivity to anything remotely hinting of Nazi sympathies that the government would not only formally investigate whether a bottle of Führerwein might have entered the country, but publicly request that the Italian government intervene to stop production. It’s also an interesting contrast to Italy’s own laws, which while similar in intent to Germany’s, appear to be laxer in restricting speech, at least when it comes to these wine labels.

I don’t have an answer as to whether or not the wines promote Naziism and fascism, but it’s worth noting that this doesn’t seem to have been Lunardelli’s intent. “We would not have produced them unless there was a demand,” the winemaker told Decanter in 2007. “In fact the Hitler labels were not our idea, they were specifically requested by customers in Germany and Austria. … When they saw the labels with Il Duce and Che Guevara, they suggested a series with Hitler.” The company’s website proudly boasts the line, not as a victory in Aryan soft power, but as a marketing triumph. “Thanks to this invention, the wine company Alessandro Lunardelli has obtained a lot of attention from the media all over the world both for the originality of the idea and for the quality of the wines.” They say that line, which has 50 different labels, now makes up half of their sales.

In any case, some of the labels carry images of Stalin, Marx, and Che Guevara, not savory figures by any means but sworn enemies of Hitler and fascism, suggesting that the line is indeed less about glorifying any singular ideology than about shock value and the free marketing that comes with, for example, stories like this one.
The wines are interesting test case for Europe’s decades-old speech restrictions against glorifying the nightmarish regimes of the 1930s and 1940s, meant both to guard against the rise of all-too-real neo-Nazi or neo-fascist parties and to maintain the carefully instituted national histories that hold these ideologies as a horrid mistake. It seems unlikely, as the Italian courts may have concluded in allowing continued Lunardelli production, that slapping Hitler’s face on a cabernet label is going to increase popular support for a return of the Third Reich.
Still, Neo-Nazism and the ethnic nationalism behind it remain real, if marginal, forces in Europe. Treating Hitler and his Nazi slogans as kitsch, as fodder for a bit of silly shock value, would seem to risk divesting these images of the horror and shame that two generations of Germans and Italians have ingrained to remind themselves of one of history’s greatest crimes. Buying a bottle of Der Prosecco Vom Führer might just be a bit of harmless fun, but maybe, from the German perspective, that’s exactly the problem.
Enhanced by Zemanta

Alfred Rosenberg

Monday, August 6th, 2012

Pportrait of influential Nazi racial ‘philosopher’ Alfred Rosenberg, an early member of the Nazi Party and propagandist. His writings included the 1930 book “The Myth of the Twentieth Century” which declared the existence of two opposing races: the Aryan race, creator of all values and culture, and the Jewish race, the agent of cultural corruption – a viewpoint taken literally by Hitler and the Nazis. Below: Following his appointment as Reich Minister for the Eastern Occupied Territories, a staged scene in which Rosenberg receives a tribute of bread and flowers from a young Ukrainian couple.

Enhanced by Zemanta

Bus drivers, locals spoil neo-Nazi day out

Sunday, August 5th, 2012

Around 700 people from the area gathered to show their opposition to the march, while more than 200 left-wing activists chained themselves to the station platform, delaying the arrival of the neo-Nazis’ train by more than an hour.

The bus drivers were less than cooperative, forcing many of the neo-Nazis to walk into town. Their rally was several hours late and accompanied by loud protests nearby.

Bad Nenndorf in Lower Saxony has been the focus of neo-Nazi marches every year since 2006, because it was where the British army set up an interrogation centre for Nazis after the war.

Jürgen Trittin, head of the Greens’ parliamentary party, spoke at an anti-Nazi rally there on Saturday, and said the protests were trying to make victims out of the perpetrators, which he called a “grandiose falsification of history.”

Sebastian Edathy of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) said, “We are neither ready to hand over our streets and our squares, nor the hearts and minds of the coming generation, to these enemies of humanity.”

He said far-right extremism was a reality in Germany but should never be accepted as normal.

At least 2,000 police officers were in the town, while a surveillance drone flew over the more than 450 neo-Nazis. Last year around 580 showed up while in 2010 the number was more than 1,000.

The neo-Nazis had planned to go to Hannover, around 35 kilometres away, after their march in Bad Nenndorf – but cancelled this themselves, a police spokeswoman said. They are now planning a torch-lit march through Hannover at a later date.

Several hundred left-wing demonstrators gathered in Hannover in anticipation of the planned neo-Nazi march, and some clashed with the police. Around 50 people were briefly held, but no arrests were reported.

Enhanced by Zemanta

The Last Days of Peace

Thursday, August 2nd, 2012

Before Ribbentrop had even arrived in Moscow to sign the Nazi-Soviet Pact, the British were already reacting to news of the agreement which had leaked out.

The Pact didn’t change anything as far as the British government was concerned and it so informed Adolf Hitler. Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain sent the Führer a personal letter warning him that if the Nazis invaded Poland, the British would “employ without delay all the forces at their command, and it is impossible to foresee the end of hostilities once engaged…”

The letter was delivered to Hitler at Berchtesgaden on August 23rd by British Ambassador Nevile Henderson and sent Hitler into one of his classic fits of rage. Up to this point, Hitler had been assuring his generals that Britain and France would not go to war over Poland. “The men I got to know at Munich are not the kind to start a new world war,” Hitler boasted during a military conference at Berchtesgaden.

All during 1939, Hitler had been spending more and more of his time atop his Berchtesgaden mountain retreat trying to figure things out. Thus far in his career, he had been the master chess player on the European stage, humbling and outmaneuvering all of his opponents, always a step or two ahead of everyone.

But now the game had changed. No longer was it a matter of bluff and dare. It had come down to actual threats of war, upon which rested the fate of millions. Hitler threatened war. Poland threatened war. Britain and France were threatening war.

Even the Americans were getting involved. President Franklin Roosevelt barged into the whole mess with a telegram to Hitler inquiring: “Are you willing to give assurance that your armed forces will not attack or invade the territory of the following independent nations?” Roosevelt listed 31 nations including Poland, the Baltic States, Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium, France, and Britain.

Hitler gave his answer during a speech to the Reichstag and assured ‘Herr Roosevelt’ that Germany only had peaceful intentions toward its neighbors. Germany, Hitler declared, “had not thought of proceeding in any way against Poland.”

The problem was that nobody outside Germany believed him anymore. Hitler had lied once too often. And he had made the dreadful mistake of humbling and embarrassing the leaders of the British Empire, who would never forgive him for trashing the Munich Agreement. Britain would fight, they warned him and it could mean a new world war. But despite the repeated warnings, Hitler was still convinced Britain would back off at the last moment.

Hitler’s war economy seen in full swing as Junkers Ju-88 high-speed medium bombers are mass-assembled – each capable of carrying about 3,000 pounds (1500 kgs) of bombs. Below: A middle class German family and their radio. Such inexpensive radios were distributed freely by Nazis to needy families allowing Goebbels’ powerful propaganda to reach everywhere. By 1939, all news and information from the outside world had essentially been cut off and only pre-approved music, entertainment, Nazi speeches and news reports were ever heard.
Below: A look at the grandeur of the Kurfürstendamm bridge, castle and cathedral in pre-war Berlin – a city that would be 90-percent destroyed in the coming conflict – a fate shared to varying degrees by many great cities in Europe, England and Russia.
Below: Summer 1939 and the last days of peace. Left: A youngster in Berlin frolics in a fountain featuring animals that spray water. Right: Advice is given to a young German driver on how to use a car-jack to fix a flat tire.

The great problem for Hitler at this point in his career was that his own bloated ego was fogging up his formerly crystal clear insight into international politics. The Führer-god of Germany was ever so slowly succumbing to the belief that he was infallible, that if he said such-and-such a thing was true, then indeed it must be true. He was suffering from a kind of creeping megalomania and it was clouding his judgment, blinding him to reality.

However, there was nobody left in Germany willing to tell him he was wrong, no one willing to question anything he said, no matter how outlandish it seemed.

When Hitler gathered his top generals for three separate pre-war conferences in 1939, they listened in complete silence to the dictates of the Führer, which would bring about the worst catastrophe in the history of humanity.

On May 23, 1939, the Führer assembled fourteen senior military officers in Berlin including Hermann Göring, Admiral Raeder, Generals Brauchitsch, Halder and Keitel, and explained that Germany needed a war because the Reich’s economy was in such dire straits. And fixing Germany’s economy would be “impossible without invading other countries or attacking other people’s possessions.”

For Nazi Germany, the acquisition of Lebensraum had now become an economic necessity. This was due to Hitler’s massive re-armament program which was soaking up an amazing 23 percent of Germany’s annual Gross National Product. Hitler had ordered German industry to drop everything and re-arm the country as fast as possible. As a result, the employment level in the Reich stood at 125 percent, technically, meaning there was a huge labor shortage with many jobs left unfilled, especially in agriculture. This was occurring even though the overall population of the Greater Reich had swollen to 80 million with the acquisitions of Austria and Czechoslovakia.

The lopsided Nazi economy was headed for a crash unless there was an immediate reallocation of labor and raw materials, or, unless fresh supplies of men and materials were acquired from outside the Reich. This is the option Hitler chose and so informed his generals on May 23rd.

A month later, June 23rd, Göring convened a meeting of the Reich Defense Council to coordinate the total mobilization of German manpower and resources for the coming war. Hitler was not there, but 35 civil and military officials were present including Keitel, Raeder, Halder and SS Leader Heinrich Himmler. Hitler, it was announced, had decided to draft seven million men into the armed services. The resulting severe labor shortage was to be made up by forced labor, utilizing prisoners of war, along with inmates from concentration camps and prisons. Himmler stated that “greater use will be made of concentration camps in wartime.” Göring said that “hundreds of thousands” of Czech workers would be taken into Germany as forced laborers in agriculture. This marked the inception of the Nazi slave labor program, designed to fill the Reich’s insatiable need for cheap manual labor.

By late August, the path to conquest was cleared for Hitler by the Non-Aggression Pact with Stalin, insuring that Germany would not have to fight a war on two fronts. While Ribbentrop was in Moscow to sign the Pact, and the ink on the paper was not even dry, Hitler gathered his generals at Berchtesgaden for their final pre-war conference to give them the green light for the invasion of Poland.

It was now, Hitler announced, his “irrevocable decision” to go to war.

“Our economic situation is such that we cannot hold out more than a few years. Göring can confirm this. We have no other choice. We must act,” Hitler said. Thus far, all of Germany’s territorial gains had come as a result of “political bluff” but it was now necessary to utilize Germany’s “military machine.”

“I shall give a propagandist reason for starting the war. Never mind whether it is plausible or not. The victor will not be asked afterward whether he told the truth or not. In starting and waging a war it is not right that matters but victory.”

And how were his soldiers to behave during this coming war?

“Close your hearts to pity!” the Führer ordered. “Act brutally! Eighty million people must obtain what is their right…The stronger man is right…Be harsh and remorseless! Be steeled against all signs of compassion!”

Hitler’s ‘propagandist reason’ for starting the war had already been arranged by Himmler and Heydrich at the Führer’s request. The plan was of such importance that it was code named Operation Himmler and involved having the SS stage fake attacks by the Polish Army against German troops along the German-Polish border. At the Gleiwitz radio station, a Polish-speaking German working with the SS would grab the microphone and broadcast an inflammatory speech in Polish declaring that the time had come for Poles to fight the Germans. Concentration camp inmates dressed in Polish Army uniforms would be killed by lethal injections then riddled with bullets and left as evidence of the attacks, to be viewed later by members of the press.

Preparations for Operation Himmler were fully underway, with the invasion of Poland now scheduled by Hitler to begin at 4:30 a.m. on Saturday, August 26th. As a prelude to the invasion, Goebbels’ propaganda machine went into overdrive spinning out stories of alleged atrocities committed by Poles against tens of thousands of ethnic Germans living inside Poland.

For several months now, Nazi journalists had also been trying to prepare the German people for the inevitable war in Europe. They had been personally instructed by Hitler to build enthusiasm for war and to counter civilian pessimism. But the propaganda only had limited success. Most Germans still did not want a war.

Amazingly, on the eve of battle, Friday, August 25th, Hitler lost his nerve and postponed the whole invasion. There were two big diplomatic developments that day which had shaken the Führer‘s confidence. First, Hitler became aware that Britain and Poland had signed their treaty of mutual assistance against German aggression. Secondly, Mussolini informed the Führer that Italy was unprepared for war and would not join the fight, despite the military Pact of Steel it had signed with Germany.

About 6:30 p.m. that day, Hitler summoned General Keitel to the Reich Chancellery and told him: “Stop everything at once…I need time for negotiations.”

Above all, Hitler wanted to prevent British military intervention, even at this late date. The Nazis now tried a back-door diplomatic channel, utilizing a Swedish friend of Göring’s named Birger Dahlerus as an informal go-between. Göring sent him to London to tell Foreign Secretary Halifax that the Nazis hoped to achieve some kind of “understanding” with the British. Halifax sent him back to Berlin with a letter stating the British still hoped for some kind of peaceful settlement.

Göring thought the letter from Halifax was important enough to bring to Hitler immediately. Accompanied by Dahlerus, Göring arrived at the Chancellery in Berlin around midnight on Saturday, August 26th. Hitler, normally a night owl, had already gone to bed and was awaken at Göring’s request.

Surprisingly, Hitler paid no attention to the letter but instead quizzed Dahlerus at length about the true nature of the British people. Hitler, like many of the top Nazis, both admired and hated the British, but could never seem to understand them.

Dahlerus, who had lived and worked in England, obliged the Führer and spoke about the British. But Hitler started behaving strangely. According to an account later provided by Dahlerus, the Führer “suddenly got up, and becoming very nervous, walked up and down…suddenly he stopped in the middle of the room and stood there staring. His voice was blurred, and his behavior that of a completely abnormal person. He spoke in staccato phrases: ‘If there should be war, then I shall build U-boats, build U-boats, U-boats, U-boats, U-boats’…then he pulled himself together, raised his voice as though addressing a large audience and shrieked: ‘I shall build airplanes, build airplanes, airplanes, airplanes, and I shall annihilate my enemies!’ “

Unknown to Dahlerus, the Führer had good reason to be so edgy. Several hours earlier, he had abruptly changed his mind regarding the attack on Poland and telephoned his Army High Command, ordering them to get everything ready for the new invasion date, Friday, September 1st.

Over the next few days, Dahlerus made several more trips between Berlin and London carrying proposals and counter proposals back and forth, all of which came to nothing. The Nazis essentially wanted Poland to hand over Danzig and the Polish Corridor, while the British were reluctant to do anything that smelled like another Munich Agreement.

September 1939 – Stuka dive-bombers in action over Poland. The war commenced with a devastating aerial and artillery attack followed by rapidly advancing tanks and troops – the pattern for all that was to come. Below: German troops on half-tracks roll into the city of Czestochowa, Poland.

Hitler and Ribbentrop also saw Ambassador Henderson several times and successfully manipulated him into rushing the Poles into some last minute negotiations to preserve the peace. For propaganda purposes, the Nazis wanted to make it appear to the world that they had been willing to discuss a peaceful solution with Poland. In reality, they deliberately concocted one obstacle after another to prevent any meaningful negotiations from ever occurring and then said the Poles were uncooperative.

All along the German-Polish border, military preparations were now fully underway to launch the invasion. At 12:30 p.m. on Thursday, August 31st, the Supreme Commander of the German Armed Forces, Adolf Hitler, issued Directive No. 1 for the Conduct of the War. Hitler’s objective was to destroy Poland quickly via an overwhelming lightning attack then turn his armies westward and deal with Britain and France if they attacked Germany from the west. He was still not sure whether they would actually honor their much vaunted commitment to Poland.

By nightfall on Thursday, a million and a half German soldiers were moving into final position for the invasion of Poland. Operation Himmler was put into effect at 8 p.m. as SS men dressed in Polish Army uniforms staged a series of fake border attacks, including the one at Gleiwitz where they seized the radio microphone and shouted out in Polish, “People of Poland, the time has come for war between Poland and Germany!” Hitler now had his propaganda excuse for launching the war.

At dawn on Friday morning, September 1st, German troops roared across the border into Poland smashing everything in their way. The hopelessly outdated Polish Army put up brave resistance but was crushed without mercy by the incredible German military machine.

At 10 a.m. that morning Hitler appeared before the Reichstag in Berlin and announced: “This night for the first time Polish regular soldiers fired on our own territory. Since 5:45 a.m. we have been returning the fire, and from now on bombs will be met with bombs.”

The war for Lebensraum that Hitler always wanted had finally begun. Five years, eight months and six days of bloodshed and destruction lay ahead that would see some 40 million persons killed and much of the cultural heritage of Germany and Europe destroyed. The German people had surrendered their will to one man and he had plunged them into a new world war to fulfill his own mad ambitions.

Enhanced by Zemanta

The Nazi-Soviet Pact

Thursday, August 2nd, 2012

By the beginning of 1939, Adolf Hitler had become so bold that he tried to steal two separate neighboring territories at the same time. While he was focusing on taking Czechoslovakia, he was also pressuring Poland to give him the former German city of Danzig located on the Baltic Sea. And he wanted the Poles to permit construction of a new super highway and railroad stretching from Germany through Polish territory into East Prussia.

The territory in question was known as the Polish Corridor, a narrow strip of land which gave Poland access to the sea and cut off East Prussia from the rest of Germany. Poland had been granted this sea corridor after World War I by the Treaty of Versailles, which also designated Danzig as a Free City operating under the supervision of the League of Nations.

All of this, of course, was completely unacceptable to Hitler and to most Germans but they never had the power to do anything about it – until now.

April 1939 – Hitler is delighted by the gift of a framed painting from SS-Reichsführer Himmler in honor of his 50th birthday. Reaching the half-century mark had huge personal significance for the Führer – who now wanted his war for Lebensraum sooner rather than later. Below: Nazi elite and assorted guests at Hitler’s birthday reception held at the Hotel Kaiserhof in Berlin.

Making matters worse, Poland’s military leaders had connived with Hitler to steal a small piece of Czechoslovakia back in October 1938. Thus they were more susceptible to being pressured by the Nazis into some kind of agreement concerning Danzig and the Polish Corridor.

To achieve this, Hitler and Nazi Foreign Minister Ribbentrop held several meetings with Poland’s Ambassador to Germany, Josef Lipski, and with the Polish Foreign Minister, Józef Beck. But the Poles said they had absolutely no interest in compromising with Hitler and bluntly informed the Nazis in late November 1938 that any attempt by Germany to grab Danzig “must inevitably lead to conflict.”

Thus far, all of Hitler’s conquests had resulted from his successful use of gangster diplomacy. But now, for the first time in his career, Hitler had encountered an opponent that would not give in. Hitler responded to Poland’s defiance by ordering his generals to prepare to take Danzig “by surprise.”

Meanwhile, Hitler had managed to annex what remained of Czechoslovakia. But it had been a costly move on his part. Outraged public opinion in Great Britain resulted in a tough stance taken by Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and a firm declaration on March 31, 1939, that Britain, with the backing of France, would fight to save Poland.

Things were not going so easily for Hitler anymore. When he heard about Chamberlain’s guarantee to Poland, he flew into a rage and shouted against the British: “I’ll cook them a stew they’ll choke on!”

That stew would be World War II and was now only a matter of months away. Thus the time had come for the major powers in Europe and elsewhere to pick sides. Britain and France were already aligned with Poland. It could also be assumed that the United States would side with Britain at some future point.

Germany’s main friend in Europe, Fascist Italy, had been strangely silent up to this point. The Italian dictator, Benito Mussolini, had been hemming and hawing for about a year as to whether he would actually take the plunge and formally link his country’s future with Nazi Germany. Mussolini hesitated with good reason. During several visits with top Nazis he had listened to their reckless bragging about the coming war in Europe and Germany’s sure victory.

Mussolini was not at all opposed to the use of military force. However, he preferred to choose his targets carefully, preferably defenseless little countries such as Ethiopia and Albania, both of which he had occupied. But a European war against the major powers was another story. Mussolini’s army was simply not ready for such a war.

The Italians were also taken aback by the Nazis total disregard for the death and suffering a new world war would bring. Mussolini differed greatly from Hitler in that he did not possess the same murderous mentality as the Führer. Hitler did not value human life. Mussolini, although he was a belligerent bully and opportunist, did value life.

Interestingly, Mussolini seems to have made his final decision to ally with Hitler almost on the spur of the moment. On May 6, 1939, Nazi Foreign Minister Ribbentrop met in Milan, Italy, with Mussolini’s son-in-law, Count Galeazzo Ciano, who functioned as Italy’s Foreign Minister. Count Ciano hoped to impress upon the Nazis that Italy wished to delay the onset of war for at least three years. Ribbentrop greatly surprised Ciano by saying that Nazi Germany also wanted to delay things for another three years.

Later that evening, Mussolini telephoned Ciano for a report on the discussions and was informed the talks had gone very well indeed. Upon hearing this, Mussolini instructed his son-in-law to announce to the press that Italy and Germany had concluded an actual military alliance. Ciano then informed Ribbentrop of Mussolini’s remarkable request. Ribbentrop, naturally, had to talk to his Führer before he would agree to anything. He telephoned Hitler who immediately approved the announcement.

Portrait of Count Galeazzo Ciano, the gullible son-in-law of Mussolini, who inadvertently paved the way for the Nazi military pact with Fascist Italy.

Tragically for Italy, Mussolini and his son-in-law had completely misjudged the whole situation. By this time, Hitler had already issued secret orders to his generals to be ready to invade Poland by September 1st. The Germans were deliberately keeping the Italians in the dark as to their true intentions. The military “Pact of Steel” subsequently signed by Italy and Germany would later have disastrous consequences for the Italian people as they were drawn into Hitler’s war.

While all of these developments were occurring, Soviet Russia was feeling quite left out of the whole diplomatic scenario. The Russians voiced their dissatisfaction in a series of speeches originating from Moscow but geared toward Western ears. In March 1939, Soviet leader Josef Stalin gave a cynical speech describing the Munich Agreement and subsequent concessions made by Britain as an attempt to push Germany further eastward, perhaps into a war with Russia. Stalin warned the Western Allies that he would not allow Soviet Russia to be manipulated into a solo war against Nazi Germany while the West just stood by and watched.

In May 1939, Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov gave a speech hinting that the Western Allies should get busy and talk to Moscow soon or there might be some kind of agreement forthcoming between Soviet Russia and Nazi Germany.

However, Prime Minister Chamberlain, leader of the Western Allies, was in no hurry to talk to the Russians. He simply did not believe in the value of a military alliance with Soviet Russia. In a private letter he even asserted: “I have no belief whatever in her ability to maintain an effective offensive, even if she wanted to. And I distrust her motives…”

Chamberlain was not alone in his distrust. The Poles actually hated the Russians, knowing that Stalin would not hesitate to gobble up Poland if he had the chance. As a result, Poland, along with Britain, had thus far refused all Russian offers to discuss joint military action in the event of further Nazi aggression. This outright rejection encouraged Stalin to negotiate with the Nazis.

Although Hitler had repeatedly professed his own hatred of Bolshevism (Communism in Soviet Russia), he decided to pursue a non-aggression pact with Stalin to avoid the possibility of having to fight a war on two fronts at the same time.

Hitler’s master plan was to crush Poland with lightning speed, then turn westward and knock out France and Britain. It was therefore necessary for Soviet Russia to remain neutral, otherwise Germany might have to fight the French-British in the west and Russians in the east – the dreaded military scenario that had proved so disastrous for Germany two decades earlier during World War I.

This time around, the Western Allies would be knocked out first, then Hitler would turn his armies eastward and plunge deep into Russia, rolling over Stalin’s Red Army to acquire thousands of miles of Lebensraum at Russia’s expense.

Hitler, just like the Western Allies, had a low opinion of the Red Army’s fighting potential and also grossly underestimated Josef Stalin, one of the most ruthless humans who ever lived.

Stalin, like Hitler, did not value human life. By this time in Soviet Russia’s history, Stalin had experience in committing mass murder and had his own well-developed system of concentration camps. Stalin would kill anyone for any reason. The slightest suspicion, real or imagined, was enough to make a person vanish without a trace inside the Soviet terror state he created.

But now, through a quirk of fate, Stalin suddenly became the man of the hour in Europe. When the British finally realized there was a good possibility he might side with the Nazis, they put aside their own reservations about the man and pursued an alliance.

A beaming Josef Stalin (rear right) along with Foreign Minister Molotov (beside him) watches Nazi Foreign Minister Ribbentrop sign the Non-Aggression Pact for Germany. Below: Symbolic Russian-German handshake by Stalin and Ribbentrop after the signing.

When the Nazis realized the British were seeking an alliance, they intensified their own efforts. Thus, as the summer of 1939 arrived, a strange kind of competition sprang up between the British and the Germans as to who would succeed in getting the Russian leader to sign on the dotted line.

The biggest hurdle facing the British was that Poland refused outright to allow any Russian troops onto its soil under any conditions, even if the country was being invaded by Hitler. This, of course, made it nearly impossible to conclude a military pact involving Russia.

In addition to this, Chamberlain made a series of diplomatic blunders that allowed Hitler and Ribbentrop to gain momentum. Chamberlain’s negotiators didn’t even arrive in Moscow until August 11th. By that time, the Nazis had been hard at work laying the groundwork for a Nazi-Soviet pact.

Worse for the British, the Russians were insulted that Chamberlain sent second-rank British military officers to Moscow on such an important mission. Chamberlain also instructed his negotiators not to rush into anything at first, thus they moved at a snail’s pace during the initial discussions, frustrating the Russians. The British also declined to share any military intelligence with the Russians, further insulting them.

All of these complications served to convince Stalin that Poland and its Western Allies were not serious about seeking a military alliance against Hitler.

Stalin had no qualms about negotiating with Hitler, if it was in the best interest of Soviet Russia to do so. Hitler, of course, had every reason to negotiate with Stalin. It was now mid-August and his planned invasion of Poland was just a few weeks away.

Germany’s ambassador in Moscow, Count Schulenburg, pushed hard to get the whole process rolling and was authorized by Berlin to say yes to every Russian demand. The Russians responded kindly to this and on August 16th sent the first word back to Berlin that a non-aggression pact might indeed be forthcoming. They even took the time to provide a first draft of just such a pact.

As the days of August ticked by and September grew ever-closer, Hitler and Ribbentrop became frantically determined to get the pact finalized and signed. On August 20th, Hitler sent a personal message to Stalin stating that “a crisis may arise any day” between Germany and Poland and therefore the Russian leader should receive Ribbentrop in Moscow “at the latest on Wednesday, August 23rd.”

Once again the Russians responded kindly and agreed to see Ribbentrop on the 23rd to seal the actual agreement. The two Foreign Ministers, Ribbentrop and Molotov, thus signed the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact in a ceremony at the Kremlin building attended by Stalin himself.

Hitler had gotten what he needed. He would not have to fight a war on two fronts. And Stalin got what he wanted. According to a secret protocol attached to the pact, Stalin was granted a free hand in Eastern Europe to steal back several areas lost to Russia at the end of World War I, including the countries of Latvia, Estonia and Finland, the province of Bessarabia in Romania, and most importantly, the entire eastern portion of Poland.

Hitler was quite willing to be this generous to Stalin, knowing all along that he intended to destroy Soviet Russia itself in the not-too-distant future.

The Nazi-Soviet Pact sealed the fate of Poland, a country that was geographically isolated from its Western Allies, thus making direct military aid nearly impossible. Poland’s only hope for survival would have been an alliance with its next door neighbor, the Russians.

The news that these two cynical, ruthless men, Adolf Hitler and Josef Stalin, had made a pact with each other, shocked the world. Everyone knew what it meant – that a new world war was all but certain now. All that remained was for the Führer to say when.

Enhanced by Zemanta

Germans Elect Nazis

Wednesday, August 1st, 2012

Adolf Hitler and the Nazis waged a modern whirlwind campaign in 1930 unlike anything ever seen in Germany. Hitler traveled the country delivering dozens of major speeches, attending meetings, shaking hands, signing autographs, posing for pictures, and even kissing babies.

Joseph Goebbels brilliantly organized thousands of meetings, torchlight parades, plastered posters everywhere and printed millions of special edition Nazi newspapers.

Germany was in the grip of the Great Depression with a population suffering from poverty, misery, and uncertainty, amid increasing political instability.

For Hitler, the master speech maker, the long awaited opportunity to let loose his talents on the German people had arrived. He would find in this downtrodden people, an audience very willing to listen. In his speeches, Hitler offered the Germans what they needed most, encouragement. He gave them heaps of vague promises while avoiding the details. He used simple catchphrases, repeated over and over.

A typical campaign scene with Nazi posters on display next to the Center Party, Communists, Socialists and others. Below: Repeated propaganda marches became a cheap and effective form of publicity – sometimes leading to violence between rival political groups. Hörst Wessel, pictured at the front, was killed during such a brawl in 1930 and raised to the status of a martyr by Nazis via the “Hörst Wessel” banner anthem.

His campaign appearances were carefully staged events. Audiences were always kept waiting, deliberately letting the tension increase, only to be broken by solemn processions of Brownshirts with golden banners, blaring military music, and finally the appearance of Hitler amid shouts of “Heil!” The effect in a closed in hall with theatrical style lighting and decorations of swastikas was overwhelming and very catching.

Hitler began each speech in low, hesitating tones, gradually raising the pitch and volume of his voice then exploding in a climax of frenzied indignation. He combined this with carefully rehearsed hand gestures for maximum effect. He skillfully played on the emotions of the audience bringing the level of excitement higher and higher until the people wound up a wide-eyed, screaming, frenzied mass that surrendered to his will and looked upon him with pseudo-religious adoration.

Hitler offered something to everyone: work to the unemployed; prosperity to failed business people; profits to industry; expansion to the Army; social harmony and an end of class distinctions to idealistic young students; and restoration of German glory to those in despair. He promised to bring order amid chaos; a feeling of unity to all and the chance to belong. He would make Germany strong again; end payment of war reparations to the Allies; tear up the treaty of Versailles; stamp out corruption; keep down Marxism; and deal harshly with the Jews.

He appealed to all classes of Germans. The name of the Nazi Party itself was deliberately all inclusive – the National Socialist German Workers’ Party.

All of the Nazis, from Hitler, down to the leader of the smallest city block, worked tirelessly, relentlessly, to pound their message into the minds of the Germans.

On election day September 14, 1930, the Nazis received 6,371,000 votes – over eighteen percent of the total – and were thus entitled to 107 seats in the German Reichstag. It was a stunning victory for Hitler. Overnight, the Nazi Party went from the smallest to the second largest political party in Germany.

It propelled Hitler to solid national and international prestige and aroused the curiosity of the world press. He was besieged with interview requests. Foreign journalists wanted to know – what did he mean – tear up the Treaty of Versailles and end war reparations? – and that Germany wasn’t responsible for the First World War?

Gone was the Charlie Chaplin image of Hitler as the laughable fanatic behind the Beer Hall Putsch. The beer hall revolutionary had been replaced by the skilled manipulator of the masses.

On October 13, 1930, dressed in their brown shirts, the elected Nazi deputies marched in unison into the Reichstag and took their seats. When the roll-call was taken, each one shouted, “Present! Heil Hitler!”

They had no intention of cooperating with the democratic government, knowing it was to their advantage to let things get worse in Germany, thus increasing the appeal of Hitler to an ever more miserable people.

Nazi storm troopers dressed in civilian clothes celebrated their electoral victory by smashing the windows of Jewish shops, restaurants and department stores, an indication of things to come.

Now, for the floundering German democracy, the clock was ticking and time was on Hitler’s side.

Enhanced by Zemanta

Great Depression Begins

Wednesday, August 1st, 2012

When the stock market collapsed on Wall Street on Tuesday, October 29, 1929, it sent financial markets worldwide into a tailspin with disastrous effects.

Fallout from the Great Depression – A young and hopelessly unemployed Berliner panhandles for spare change. Below: A run on a bank in Berlin.
Below: May Day 1930 brings a huge turn-out of pro-communist Berliners expressing admiration of Soviet Russia.

The German economy was especially vulnerable since it was built upon foreign capital, mostly loans from America and was very dependent on foreign trade. When those loans suddenly came due and when the world market for German exports dried up, the well oiled German industrial machine quickly ground to a halt.

As production levels fell, German workers were laid off. Along with this, banks failed throughout Germany. Savings accounts, the result of years of hard work, were instantly wiped out. Inflation soon followed making it hard for families to purchase expensive necessities with devalued money.

Overnight, the middle class standard of living so many German families enjoyed was ruined by events outside of Germany, beyond their control. The Great Depression began and they were cast into poverty and deep misery and began looking for a solution, any solution.

Adolf Hitler knew his opportunity had arrived.

In the good times before the Great Depression the Nazi Party experienced slow growth, barely reaching 100,000 members in a country of over sixty million. But the Party, despite its tiny size, was a tightly controlled, highly disciplined organization of fanatics poised to spring into action.

Since the failed Beer Hall Putsch in 1923, Hitler had changed tactics and was for the most part playing by the rules of democracy. Hitler had gambled in 1923, attempting to overthrow the young German democracy by force, and lost. Now he was determined to overthrow it legally by getting elected while at the same time building a Nazi shadow government that would one day replace the democracy.

Hitler had begun his career in politics as a street brawling revolutionary appealing to disgruntled World War I veterans predisposed to violence. By 1930 he was quite different, or so it seemed. Hitler counted among his supporters a number of German industrialists, and upper middle class socialites, a far cry from the semi-literate toughs he started out with.

He intentionally broadened his appeal because it was necessary. Now he needed to broaden his appeal to the great mass of voting Germans. His chief assets were his speech making ability and a keen sense of what the people wanted to hear.

By mid-1930, amid the economic pressures of the Great Depression, the German democratic government was beginning to unravel.

Gustav Stresemann, the outstanding German Foreign Minister, had died in October 1929, just before the Wall Street crash. He had spent years working to restore the German economy and stabilize the republic and died, having exhausted himself in the process.

The crisis of the Great Depression brought disunity to the political parties in the Reichstag. Instead of forging an alliance to enact desperately need legislation, they broke up into squabbling, uncompromising groups. In March of 1930, Heinrich Bruening, a member of the Catholic Center Party, became Chancellor.

Despite the overwhelming need for a financial program to help the German people, Chancellor Bruening encountered stubborn opposition to his plans. To break the bitter stalemate, he went to President Hindenburg and asked the Old Gentleman to invoke Article 48 of the German constitution which gave emergency powers to the president to rule by decree. This provoked a huge outcry from the opposition, demanding withdrawal of the decree.

As a measure of last resort, Bruening asked Hindenburg in July 1930 to dissolve the Reichstag according to parliamentary rules and call for new elections.

The elections were set for September 14th. Hitler and the Nazis sprang into action. Their time for campaigning had arrived.

The German people were tired of the political haggling in Berlin. They were tired of misery, tired of suffering, tired of weakness. These were desperate times and they were willing to listen to anyone, even Adolf Hitler.

Enhanced by Zemanta