Posts Tagged ‘Nazism’

The Democrats in 1932

Tuesday, May 15th, 2012

The Vossische Zeitung wrote in issue #77 of 15 February 1932:

“The mass meeting at which Hindenburg accepted the nomination to run for a second term of office is a truly historic moment… Thus speaks a man in whom the best characteristics of the old army still live… Hindenburg has a life of accomplishment and fame behind him… But he knows that no one shines over the German lands more than he, who is a true national representation of the joining together of all forces… When a man such as Field marshal von Hindenburg, who is respected and admired around the world even by former enemies, speaks of submitting to being a candidate, that must touch the heart even of the most determined party fanatic… He who supports Hindenburg does not ask about the advantage or disadvantage for his own party, but rather what Hindenburg is and what he wants to do… The Left does not think of claiming Hindenburg for its own. It knows that he is rooted in the past and will never deny his sense of tradition… The election campaign will be brief, but since it cannot be avoided, at least let it be conducted in an honorable manner.”

Vossische Zeitung, Nr. 78 of 16 February 1932:

Field Marshal von Hindenburg decided to accept the nomination because he wished to put an end to the blatant and tactless attempts of the radicals of the Right to make his candidacy a matter of political cattle trading, attempts that were made repeatedly despite his firm rejection of them. The attempts awakened the fight instincts of this old soldier. Hindenburg is running not only because of a sense of duty, but because of the challenge.”

Berliner Tageblatt, Nr. 78 of 16 February 1932:

“The louder and more furious the cries from the throats of the National Socialists become, the more sympathy, trust, and thankfulness all honorable friends of the fatherland will have for that monumental figure who stands in the way of this greedy, brutal, threatening, and violent storm that is capable only of destruction… [T]he parties, public circles, and persons who, despite their various views, have joined the democratic ranks do not for a moment claim Hindenburg as the carrier of their banner. Over the past seven years, they have come to have confidence in his absolute loyalty, they have learned to respect his gnarled but upright character, have realized with thanks that he has an unshakable will to be the greatest defender of the constitution, but they also know how different his worldview is from theirs. They see in him the strongest guarantee for the safety of the state against destruction and civil war, as something of a strong tower against which the howling demagogues must fail… Those who call themselves the enemies of the today’s system were invited, flattered, treated as if they were the only ones who counted among those voting for the president, offered the seat of honor. They did not want it.”

Berliner Tageblatt, Nr. 77 of 15 February 1932:

“By accepting candidacy for the Reich presidential election, the Reich President justified the confidence that a large part of his voters of 1925 placed in him. Hindenburg now stands before the voters as a people’s candidate… His statement contains nothing that suggests that he has accepted any kind of condition that would require a change of direction, although the Stahlhelm’s official statement this afternoon suggested that. Hindenburg’s statement is absolutely clear. It can be understood only as saying that, however much he may have in common with his former military comrades in the Stahlhelm, he rejects any sort of political condition from their side on which their support of his candidacy may depend.”

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WAGNER. ADOLF

Friday, May 11th, 2012

(1890-1944). NSDAP member from 1923. Nazi party provincial chief of Munich and Upper Bavaria. Bavarian interior minister after 1933.

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Face-to-face with Greece’s neo-Nazis

Friday, May 11th, 2012

Face to face with Greece’s neo-Nazis.

I will say one thing for the neo-Nazi’s of ‘Golden Dawn’: they don’t try to hide what they are about.

They do not use code-words or euphemism. “What is your policy on immigrants toGreece?” I asked. “Send them home. Give them travel papers and let them leave to any European country they want”. “And if they chose not to go?” “If they have no house to live in and no medical care and no income, they will want to go”.

Welcome the most recent arrivals in the Greek Parliament.

Golden Dawn have just won 7% of the vote in the General Election and will have 21 MP’s in the new Parliament. Their electoral success was no accident.

They have exploited the poverty and unemployment of a recession – now in its fifth year – and convinced one in 14 Greek voters that it is the fault of immigration, that without, what they describe as 2.5 million “illegal” immigrants, there would be jobs and houses for all ‘Greeks’. By which, of course, they mean white skinned Greeks.

Their headquarters is in a middle-class suburb of Athens, only distinguished by the large Greek flag and a swastika like symbol outside.

They insist it is nothing like a swastika, just an ancient Greek motif called a ‘meandros’, but of all the ancient Greek symbols they could have chosen?

Spokesman Theodoros Koudounas also insists the large statue of an eagle sitting on his desk is nothing like the eagle of the Third Reich. “Lots of countries have eagles. America, Poland, Russia. The eagle is a beautiful bird”. Perhaps he doth protest too much.

Choosing to conduct interviews wearing a black shirt and black wrist bands, though, was surely not a coincidence.

Their media strategy is not sophisticated, but they know what they are doing. As with so many far right groups, they want to appear reasonable and yet slightly menacing at the same time. On first impressions, I would say that this lot are slightly overdoing the menacing part.

“Are you fascists?” I asked. “No. Fascists were Italians who wanted to restore the Roman Empire. We are not Italians, so we can’t be fascists”. “Nazi’s then?” “Certainly not. They were Germans, and German nationalists. How could we be Nazis?”. “So how would you descibe yourselves?” “Popular nationalists”.

They are certainly nationalists. They speak about ‘illegal immigrants’ to Greece, but they are not talking about recent arrivals or asylum seekers.

To Golden Dawn, anyone who has arrived here since the Colonels were thrown out in 1974 is an illegal. “They were not legally allowed to come here under the constitution”, this black-shirted constitutional scholar tells me.

“What about immigrants from the rest of the EU? Can they stay?” “Yes, we have no problem with other Europeans coming here”. “But what about someone whose family originally came from Africa, was born in Britain, has a British passport and is a full EU citizen? Can they stay in Greece?”

Suddenly constitutional niceties didn’t seem quite so important.

“I am talking about the blood in their veins”, he said, more passionate than at any time in our conversation. “I am talking about a history that goes back thousands of years, about their ancestors.

Is this not more important that just a stamp on a piece of paper? What does a piece of paper or a passport mean compared to blood?” The one thing he wouldn’t mention, of course, was skin colour.

The disappointing thing was to understand just how the current crisis is playing into the hands of extremists of both left and right.

When I suggested to Koudounas that the worst it got in Greece, the better it got for him, he could not help but agree.

He envisages building on their electoral success, and one day taking power in Greece, though he agrees that things are going to have to continue downhill for some time before that can happen.

But no one thinks the Greek economy has hit bottom yet, so why shouldn’t he think that for Golden Dawn the only way is up.

It seems that there will be another election here very soon. Can they do as well again?

There is, sadly, no reason to think not. It is true that the thuggish swagger of the last few days has upset the sensibilities of may Greeks who now look at them and say “People will realise what they have elected, and will never make that mistake again”.

But these are not Golden Dawn’s voters, and, as I said at the beginning, you could never accuse this party of trying to conceal its essential nature.

Austerity on a scale rarely seen in peacetime has had many unintended consequences, and one of them has been to breathe new life into the far right. Getting rid of them again may not be easy.

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SCHWARZ, FRANZ XAVER

Tuesday, May 8th, 2012

(1875-1947) One of the “Old Fighters” and a party member from its earliest days. Nazi party treasurer, 1925. Reich director, 1935. Died in an Allied internment camp in 1947.

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RAUSCHNING, HERMANN

Monday, May 7th, 2012

(1887-1961) Joined the NSDAP in 1926 and became Danzig Senate president in 1933. Broke with Hitler and the Nazis and immigrated to Switzerland in 1936 and later to the United States. Wrote several highly critical but informative books on Hitler and his plans for the future. Some historians consider him a spurious source.

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QUISLING, VIDKUN ABRAHAM

Monday, May 7th, 2012

  (1887-1945) Head of the Nazi puppet government in Norway whose name became synonymous with traitor and collaborator. He founded the National Union party in 1933 and conferred with Hitler for the first time in December 1939. He was executed by his own countrymen on October 24, 1945.

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Over the graves

Sunday, May 6th, 2012

Cologne buried its dead eight days after the attack. They were buried together, just as they had died together. The whole city took leave of them in a powerful and moving ceremony. Formations of the party and its divisions, units of the military, the police, and other public services, accompanied them to the grave, along with thousands of citizens. In silent sorrow, family members, many of whom still bore the wounds of the British attack, stood before the long line of graves. A mother rested between two of her children. A third child who survived wept at the graves. Here two sisters were buried next to each other, there a whole family of four. Here, several siblings, there grandparents and a grandchild. And so it went — a long line of coffins.

A spirit of proud sorrow filled the cemetery. Deep pain filled everyone, but it was a pain that dwelt in strong hearts. The thoughts of the sorrowing wandered over the borders of their great fatherland to the wide spaces of the East, where sons, fathers and brothers stood against a pitiless enemy. There, too, death demanded the best of the people, and the flags that are lowered over open graves greet the dead on the battlefield too. Here as well as there, they fell in the battle against Germany’s enemies. These children, men and women also died for their Führer and their people, and all the living who stand in silent pain before these graves vow to be worthy of their sacrifice.

Mayor Dr. Peter Winkelnkemper spoke these words:

“Here the enemy showed with dreadful clarity that his goal is the annihilation of the German people for all times, but here springs forth after these sacrifices an even more determined will to victory that cannot be defeated, and will resist every blow from the enemy… The city of Cologne will never forget those who died for the Reich, and their eternal memory will strengthen us for victory. Their deaths demand of us that we work still harder and with greater determination, that we be ready to make any sacrifice, to remain worthy of their last devotion.”

From the pain and sadness of this funeral there came a powerful demonstration of the will to victory that overcomes need and death.

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Honor

Friday, May 4th, 2012

The other basic concepts of National Socialism flow from the fundamental task of seeing everything from the perspective of the eternal life of our people. The first concept to consider is that of honorA life without honor is a pseudo-life. This is no empty phrase, but rather a fact. We see this in the everyday life of the individual. A person can seem to live, but is nonetheless lost when he has lost his honor. A person without honor has lost not only the respect of his community, but also his rights within that community.

This law is just as hard in the lives of peoples. Germany experienced this in the years 1919 to 1933. Germany’s leaders did nothing to defend German honor, with the result that Germany was held in contempt by the whole world, which resulted in the loss of its rights. Those in Germany who went along did not think about it. The German people was plundered, and not even a single other people protested. Its sovereignty was taken from it. That was the result of the loss of its honor, resulting from the acceptance of the shameful Treaty of Versailles.

The Führer’s first step was aimed at Germany’s dishonoring. He created the National Socialist German Workers Party. It appeared for the first time with its program in February 1920.

Eliminating the shameful Treaty of Versailles was one of the most important goals of the party during the period of struggle. After 30 January 1933, it became part of Germany’s foreign policy.

The Führer also created the foundation for healthy thinking about questions of honor domestically. He eliminated the practice of giving special honor to individual professions and classes, and also the devaluing of the German worker. Today, all citizens are equal, regardless of which class they belong to. — The community defends the honor of each citizen. He who injures someone’s honor is punished.

But each individual defends Germany’s honor. Thus Germany today enjoys the respect the Führer fought for it to have.

The program of the NSDAP sprang from the will that Germany should not live only by appearance.Thus the first goal of the NSDAP’s battle was to reestablish the fundamental concept of the National Socialist worldview, “honor,” which is of equal significance both for the life of the individual and the life of the people

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KEITEL, WILHELM

Friday, May 4th, 2012

(1882-1946) Commander-in-Chief of the German armed forces supreme command (OKW) from February 4, 1938, until dismissed on May 13, 1945. Promoted to the rank of field marshal-general in 1940. Said to be devoted to Hitler, he was sentenced to death at Nuremberg and executed on October 15, 1946, for signing orders (including the Commissar Order) to execute hostages.

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Bildbericht der Woche

Wednesday, May 2nd, 2012

Background: The Bildbericht der Woche was a weekly production of the Nazi Party’s Reichspropagandaleitung. It was a film strip with an accompanying text to be presented at small meetings. A speaker would read the text. These would be used in outlying areas where people had less access to the weekly newsreel at movie theaters, or at neighborhood party meetings. It was also used in the military.

This is #12/1939, issued at the end of March 1939. Hitler had just marched into what was left of Czechoslovakia and secured the return of the Memel District from Lithuania. I do not have the text that accompanied the pictures, but have identified what I could. If you can identify any of the pictures, please let me know.

In 1941, 1575 copies of this were produced each week.

Opening Graphic

The opening slide

The title slide

 

Hitler Enters Prague Castle

Cheering Crowds in Prague

Hitler Greeting Someone

 

Troops Marching

Anti-Jewish Measures Promptly Introduced

 

Troops Caring for Children

Nazi Flags Being Passed Out to Wave at Hitler

 

Hitler Drives Past

 

Another Picture of the Parade

 

Göring Greets Hitler

 

Searchlights in Berlin Celebrate Hitler’s Triumphs (19 March)

 

Map of the Memel District (in black)

 

The Memel Harbor

I’m not sure of this one

 

The poster translates: “Better to have fought and died honorably than to have lost freedom and ruined one’s soul!”

 

Hitler at the Railroad Station

 

A Seaman in the Harbor

 

The closing graphic

Projector

A German filmstrip projector

 

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